La Tranchée «Ville Sud»: Études d'architecture domestique by Olivier CallotReview by: Sally DunhamJournal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 118, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1998), pp. 599-600Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/604823 .

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Reviews of Books Reviews of Books

processualist still interested in archaeological "explanation," not

interpretation. If the readers of this fine volume want a truly contemporary and knowledgeable discussion of the state of ar-

chaeology today, and of trends in world archaeology toward a more social orientation, I recommend the introductory part of

Levy's paper, and his case study from Chalcolithic Gilat that seeks to exemplify a social archaeology of the southern Levant.

A. BERNARD KNAPP UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW

La Tranchee <Ville Sud>,: Etudes d'architecture domestique. By OLIVIER CALLOT. Ras Shamra-Ougarit, vol. 10. Paris: IDI- TIONS RECHERCHE SUR LES CIVILISATIONS, 1994. Pp. 420. FF 373 (paper).

This monograph is a re-analysis of a residential area of

Ugarit that was excavated in 1959-1960 by C. E A. Schaeffer on the south slope of the tell in a trench 190 by 30 meters. The first part of the study (pp. 14-99) is a careful description of each wall, room, and open space that was measured and examined by Callot at the site. Here he also gives information from older records and proposes reconstructions for each building. All of this is well illustrated with many detailed plans, sections, and

drawings. The second part (pp. 102-213) is a synthesis of the characteristics of the architecture in this area, citing, where ap- propriate, examples from elsewhere at Ugarit. The topics cov- ered include the organization of the urban space (streets, public places); building techniques; the organization of space in private houses; installations dealing with water, tombs, storage facilities and the possible activities that were carried out in the houses. A last chapter discusses the chronology of the buildings, while two appendices list the objects found, first by locus and then by registration number. This is a masterful study with excellent plans and drawings and with intelligent insights into every de- tail of the architecture, complementing a preliminary analysis of one house from this area (Callot 1983).

The Ville Sud is made up of blocks of contiguous buildings surrounded by streets and small public spaces. About halfway down the trench is a large public place intentionally planned in the last Late Bronze Age phase (III, ca. 1250-1180 B.C.), fol- lowing an earthquake in ca. 1250 B.c. At the east end of this place is a partially excavated structure that Callot suggests could be an "official" building of some kind (pp. 109-10, 204-5). Indeed, all the architecture analyzed by Callot belongs to this latest phase, although where houses show evidence of alterations he thinks the older parts date to before the earthquake. In most of the buildings, however, Schaeffer's excavations had been car- ried down to well below the floor levels of this latest phase.

processualist still interested in archaeological "explanation," not

interpretation. If the readers of this fine volume want a truly contemporary and knowledgeable discussion of the state of ar-

chaeology today, and of trends in world archaeology toward a more social orientation, I recommend the introductory part of

Levy's paper, and his case study from Chalcolithic Gilat that seeks to exemplify a social archaeology of the southern Levant.

A. BERNARD KNAPP UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW

La Tranchee <Ville Sud>,: Etudes d'architecture domestique. By OLIVIER CALLOT. Ras Shamra-Ougarit, vol. 10. Paris: IDI- TIONS RECHERCHE SUR LES CIVILISATIONS, 1994. Pp. 420. FF 373 (paper).

This monograph is a re-analysis of a residential area of

Ugarit that was excavated in 1959-1960 by C. E A. Schaeffer on the south slope of the tell in a trench 190 by 30 meters. The first part of the study (pp. 14-99) is a careful description of each wall, room, and open space that was measured and examined by Callot at the site. Here he also gives information from older records and proposes reconstructions for each building. All of this is well illustrated with many detailed plans, sections, and

drawings. The second part (pp. 102-213) is a synthesis of the characteristics of the architecture in this area, citing, where ap- propriate, examples from elsewhere at Ugarit. The topics cov- ered include the organization of the urban space (streets, public places); building techniques; the organization of space in private houses; installations dealing with water, tombs, storage facilities and the possible activities that were carried out in the houses. A last chapter discusses the chronology of the buildings, while two appendices list the objects found, first by locus and then by registration number. This is a masterful study with excellent plans and drawings and with intelligent insights into every de- tail of the architecture, complementing a preliminary analysis of one house from this area (Callot 1983).

The Ville Sud is made up of blocks of contiguous buildings surrounded by streets and small public spaces. About halfway down the trench is a large public place intentionally planned in the last Late Bronze Age phase (III, ca. 1250-1180 B.C.), fol- lowing an earthquake in ca. 1250 B.c. At the east end of this place is a partially excavated structure that Callot suggests could be an "official" building of some kind (pp. 109-10, 204-5). Indeed, all the architecture analyzed by Callot belongs to this latest phase, although where houses show evidence of alterations he thinks the older parts date to before the earthquake. In most of the buildings, however, Schaeffer's excavations had been car- ried down to well below the floor levels of this latest phase.

Hence, foundations were exposed, but also in a very few places what may have been earlier walls (p. 206).

Schaeffer felt this was a quarter of artisans, especially metal workers (1960: 136; 1961-62: 190-91). Callot identifies sev- eral olive presses (pp. 191-96) and suggests that weaving and textile dyeing may have been done there (p. 190); but he doubts Schaeffer's claims, arguing that the Ville Sud was too built up to allow for the furnaces necessary to smelt and cast. Moreover, there is no clear evidence of much burning, as happened at Late Bronze Age Kition and Ras Ibn Hani (p. 187).

One house, Callot's House F/F' in Block XIII, had been es-

pecially singled out by Schaeffer because it contained a quan- tity of bronze or copper slag; a ceramic vessel containing rings, pendants, earrings, silver ingots, and gold and silver scraps; and four bronze statuettes, some with gold leaf on them (Schaeffer 1961-62: 191; Courtois 1979b: 109-10). Callot suggests that the slag came in with dirt brought to raise the floor (pp. 83-84). Schaeffer thought the statuettes and the ceramic vessel were hid- den when the inhabitants fled the city. Callot, however, inter-

prets the find-spot of the statuettes as collapse from a second story and that of the ceramic vessel as the door sill between a court and a room. He feels that the vessel may just have been lost or forgotten by departing inhabitants or looters (p. 187).

Nevertheless, the conjunction of these three finds (slag, ceramic vessel, and statuettes) in one otherwise unremarkable building does not seem to me coincidental. Indeed, the contents of the vessel can be compared to the Old Babylonian gold- smith's cache found at Larsa.1 Perhaps House F/F' witnessed the work of goldsmiths, who, among other activities, placed gold leaves on bronze statuettes that were cast elsewhere. Callot seems

open to this possibility (p. 188) and even allows that foundries could have been located in the city earlier in the Late Bronze

Age when there may have been more open spaces. Indeed, he

proposes that Block XIII had originally had more open space in its southern part, near where House F/F' is located (p. 67). Pos-

sibly the slag pieces came from a foundry located in this area earlier (and, hence, deeper) and were dug up with other dirt for

raising the floor (?). Callot says that the presumed seal-cutter's workshop was in

Block IV where an abnormal concentration of seals was said to have been found.2 After checking the inventories, however, he found the largest concentration of seals (six) in the open space between Blocks IV and V. Since this area is on a slope and opens

1 Arnaud et al. 1979. The Larsa hoard also included sixty- seven weights. Courtois (1979b: 109) says a complete set of weights was found in the west court of the Ugarit house, but Callot's lists of finds only includes a "peson en pierre" (p. 224).

2 For the sculptor's workshop, or, rather the non-existence of it, see the intelligent discussion in Yon 1991: 277. Callot essen- tially follows her and adds nothing new (pp. 188-89).

Hence, foundations were exposed, but also in a very few places what may have been earlier walls (p. 206).

Schaeffer felt this was a quarter of artisans, especially metal workers (1960: 136; 1961-62: 190-91). Callot identifies sev- eral olive presses (pp. 191-96) and suggests that weaving and textile dyeing may have been done there (p. 190); but he doubts Schaeffer's claims, arguing that the Ville Sud was too built up to allow for the furnaces necessary to smelt and cast. Moreover, there is no clear evidence of much burning, as happened at Late Bronze Age Kition and Ras Ibn Hani (p. 187).

One house, Callot's House F/F' in Block XIII, had been es-

pecially singled out by Schaeffer because it contained a quan- tity of bronze or copper slag; a ceramic vessel containing rings, pendants, earrings, silver ingots, and gold and silver scraps; and four bronze statuettes, some with gold leaf on them (Schaeffer 1961-62: 191; Courtois 1979b: 109-10). Callot suggests that the slag came in with dirt brought to raise the floor (pp. 83-84). Schaeffer thought the statuettes and the ceramic vessel were hid- den when the inhabitants fled the city. Callot, however, inter-

prets the find-spot of the statuettes as collapse from a second story and that of the ceramic vessel as the door sill between a court and a room. He feels that the vessel may just have been lost or forgotten by departing inhabitants or looters (p. 187).

Nevertheless, the conjunction of these three finds (slag, ceramic vessel, and statuettes) in one otherwise unremarkable building does not seem to me coincidental. Indeed, the contents of the vessel can be compared to the Old Babylonian gold- smith's cache found at Larsa.1 Perhaps House F/F' witnessed the work of goldsmiths, who, among other activities, placed gold leaves on bronze statuettes that were cast elsewhere. Callot seems

open to this possibility (p. 188) and even allows that foundries could have been located in the city earlier in the Late Bronze

Age when there may have been more open spaces. Indeed, he

proposes that Block XIII had originally had more open space in its southern part, near where House F/F' is located (p. 67). Pos-

sibly the slag pieces came from a foundry located in this area earlier (and, hence, deeper) and were dug up with other dirt for

raising the floor (?). Callot says that the presumed seal-cutter's workshop was in

Block IV where an abnormal concentration of seals was said to have been found.2 After checking the inventories, however, he found the largest concentration of seals (six) in the open space between Blocks IV and V. Since this area is on a slope and opens

1 Arnaud et al. 1979. The Larsa hoard also included sixty- seven weights. Courtois (1979b: 109) says a complete set of weights was found in the west court of the Ugarit house, but Callot's lists of finds only includes a "peson en pierre" (p. 224).

2 For the sculptor's workshop, or, rather the non-existence of it, see the intelligent discussion in Yon 1991: 277. Callot essen- tially follows her and adds nothing new (pp. 188-89).

599 599

This content downloaded from 185.44.77.146 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 06:35:22 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Journal of the American Oriental Society 118.4 (1998) Journal of the American Oriental Society 118.4 (1998)

to a narrow street below it, he suggests that small objects such as seals could have just eroded from the slope higher up (p. 188). He makes no comment on Schaeffer's claim to have found a

workshop that made faience seals (Schaeffer-Forrer 1983: 165-

66). Schaeffer says this workshop was at topographic point 5053 and contained pottery dating to Late Bronze I, but lasted, with

alterations, into Late Bronze III. There is no topographic point 5053 on any of the plans Callot publishes, nor are any of the

seals mentioned by Schaeffer listed in Callot. Furthermore, Schaeffer claims to have found this workshop in 1962, while

Callot only mentions excavations of 1959 and 1960 (p. 9).3

Thus, one cannot be sure that Callot and Schaeffer are talking about the same location.

Despite this last question, Callot's reconstruction of the Ville

Sud is a convincing interpretation of the evidence available to

him. It deserves the attention of anyone interested in the an-

cient urban environment.

REFERENCES

Arnaud, D.; Calvet, Y.; and Huot, J.-L. 1979. IlIu-Ibnisu, orfevre

de l'Ebabbar de Larsa. Syria 56: 1-64.

Callot, 0. 1983. Une Maison a Ougarit. Etude d'architecture

domestique. Ras-Shamra-Ougarit, I. Paris: tditions Recher-

che sur les Civilisations.

Courtois, J.-C. 1979a. Ras Shamra: Arch6ologie. In Supplement au Dictionnaire de la Bible, fascs. 52-53: cols. 1126-1295.

Paris: Letouzey & An ltditeurs. .1979b. L'Architecture domestique a Ugarit au Bronze

Recent. Ugarit Forschungen 11: 105-34.

Schaeffer, C. F A. 1960. Resume de la XXIIe campagne de

fouilles a Ras Shamra-Ugarit. Annales archeologiques ar-

abes syriennes 10: 133-58. .1961-62. R6sum6 de la XXIIIe campagne de fouilles

a Ras Shamra-Ugarit (automne 1960). Annales archdolo-

giques arabes syriennes 11-12: 187-96.

[Schaeffer-Forrer]. 1983. Corpus des cylindres-sceaux de Ras Shamra-Ugarit et d'Enkomi-Alasia. Paris: lditions

Recherche sur les Civilisations.

Yon, M. 1991. Steles de pierre, in Arts et industries de la pierre, ed. M. Yon. Ras Shamra-Ougarit, 6. Pp. 272-344. Paris:

fiditions Recherche sur les Civilisations.

SALLY DUNHAM

WESTPORT, CONNECTICUT

3 As mentioned above, in most of the buildings excavations

were carried down well below the floor level. Could this situa-

tion be the result of post-1960 work that Callot does not con-

sider or to his lack of access to its records?

to a narrow street below it, he suggests that small objects such as seals could have just eroded from the slope higher up (p. 188). He makes no comment on Schaeffer's claim to have found a

workshop that made faience seals (Schaeffer-Forrer 1983: 165-

66). Schaeffer says this workshop was at topographic point 5053 and contained pottery dating to Late Bronze I, but lasted, with

alterations, into Late Bronze III. There is no topographic point 5053 on any of the plans Callot publishes, nor are any of the

seals mentioned by Schaeffer listed in Callot. Furthermore, Schaeffer claims to have found this workshop in 1962, while

Callot only mentions excavations of 1959 and 1960 (p. 9).3

Thus, one cannot be sure that Callot and Schaeffer are talking about the same location.

Despite this last question, Callot's reconstruction of the Ville

Sud is a convincing interpretation of the evidence available to

him. It deserves the attention of anyone interested in the an-

cient urban environment.

REFERENCES

Arnaud, D.; Calvet, Y.; and Huot, J.-L. 1979. IlIu-Ibnisu, orfevre

de l'Ebabbar de Larsa. Syria 56: 1-64.

Callot, 0. 1983. Une Maison a Ougarit. Etude d'architecture

domestique. Ras-Shamra-Ougarit, I. Paris: tditions Recher-

che sur les Civilisations.

Courtois, J.-C. 1979a. Ras Shamra: Arch6ologie. In Supplement au Dictionnaire de la Bible, fascs. 52-53: cols. 1126-1295.

Paris: Letouzey & An ltditeurs. .1979b. L'Architecture domestique a Ugarit au Bronze

Recent. Ugarit Forschungen 11: 105-34.

Schaeffer, C. F A. 1960. Resume de la XXIIe campagne de

fouilles a Ras Shamra-Ugarit. Annales archeologiques ar-

abes syriennes 10: 133-58. .1961-62. R6sum6 de la XXIIIe campagne de fouilles

a Ras Shamra-Ugarit (automne 1960). Annales archdolo-

giques arabes syriennes 11-12: 187-96.

[Schaeffer-Forrer]. 1983. Corpus des cylindres-sceaux de Ras Shamra-Ugarit et d'Enkomi-Alasia. Paris: lditions

Recherche sur les Civilisations.

Yon, M. 1991. Steles de pierre, in Arts et industries de la pierre, ed. M. Yon. Ras Shamra-Ougarit, 6. Pp. 272-344. Paris:

fiditions Recherche sur les Civilisations.

SALLY DUNHAM

WESTPORT, CONNECTICUT

3 As mentioned above, in most of the buildings excavations

were carried down well below the floor level. Could this situa-

tion be the result of post-1960 work that Callot does not con-

sider or to his lack of access to its records?

Covenant of Blood: Circumcision and Gender in Rabbinic Judaism. By LAWRENCE A. HOFFMAN. Chicago: UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, 1996. Pp. 262. $42.50 (cloth); $16.95

(paper).

This volume asks how and why circumcision came to be so central to Judaism. It chronicles the history of this ancient ritual and its symbolic meaning in light of what the Rabbis between 70-555 C.E. thought they were accomplishing through cir- cumcision. Here Hoffman distinguishes between the unofficial

public meaning shared by the participants, which changes over

time, and the official meaning of the brit milah, the covenant of male circumcision, whose authoritative meaning emphasizes initiation into the covenant between God and the people of

Israel. In his first chapter, Hoffman explains that he became inter-

ested in the topic when researching "The Jewish Life Cycle." His investigations led him to conclude "... my whole point is

that the Rabbis made Judaism inseparable from the male life-

line. Like it or not, they had no idea of a female lifeline"

(p. 24). Hoffman develops this thesis by interpreting that for

the post-exilic priesthood, circumcision was a birth ritual for

males that insured the fertility of the Israelites. In the rabbinic

period, circumcision was no longer a birth ritual, but an induc-

tion ritual, the Rabbis having come to this reinterpretation in

reaction to the nascent Christian community and its emphasis on the salvific role of the blood of Jesus. As a result, the blood

of circumcision came to symbolize the saving powers of the

covenant between God and the Jews, and wine came to symbol- ize blood. In Hoffman's opinion, a circumcised child received

"an oral transfusion of wine as blood for the child" (p. 91). Hoffman concludes then that the importance of circumcision

lies not in the cutting of flesh but in the shedding of blood and

that the salvation wrought through circumcision blood officially had eschatological meaning; it was a guarantee of life in the

world to come, a meaning lost by the Middle Ages. Hoffman also tackles the gendered significance of this ritual.

He maintains "that circumcision's primary meaning was social, not biological" (p. 80). The blood of circumcision came to

be opposed to menstrual blood. He concludes: "But the essence

of my argument is that precisely because rabbinic Judaism was

a religion of the body, men's and women's bodies became

signifiers of what the Rabbis accepted as gender essence, es-

pecially with regard to the binary opposition of men's blood

drawn during circumcision and women's blood that flows dur-

ing menstruation. Gender opposition remains absolutely central

in my reading of rabbinic texts" (p. 23). According to Hoffman, these concerns are a reflection of rabbinic desire to bring social

order to the universe; men can control the blood of circumci-

sion in opposition to the uncontrolled bleeding of menstruation.

This distinction is based on a culture versus nature dichotomy,

Covenant of Blood: Circumcision and Gender in Rabbinic Judaism. By LAWRENCE A. HOFFMAN. Chicago: UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, 1996. Pp. 262. $42.50 (cloth); $16.95

(paper).

This volume asks how and why circumcision came to be so central to Judaism. It chronicles the history of this ancient ritual and its symbolic meaning in light of what the Rabbis between 70-555 C.E. thought they were accomplishing through cir- cumcision. Here Hoffman distinguishes between the unofficial

public meaning shared by the participants, which changes over

time, and the official meaning of the brit milah, the covenant of male circumcision, whose authoritative meaning emphasizes initiation into the covenant between God and the people of

Israel. In his first chapter, Hoffman explains that he became inter-

ested in the topic when researching "The Jewish Life Cycle." His investigations led him to conclude "... my whole point is

that the Rabbis made Judaism inseparable from the male life-

line. Like it or not, they had no idea of a female lifeline"

(p. 24). Hoffman develops this thesis by interpreting that for

the post-exilic priesthood, circumcision was a birth ritual for

males that insured the fertility of the Israelites. In the rabbinic

period, circumcision was no longer a birth ritual, but an induc-

tion ritual, the Rabbis having come to this reinterpretation in

reaction to the nascent Christian community and its emphasis on the salvific role of the blood of Jesus. As a result, the blood

of circumcision came to symbolize the saving powers of the

covenant between God and the Jews, and wine came to symbol- ize blood. In Hoffman's opinion, a circumcised child received

"an oral transfusion of wine as blood for the child" (p. 91). Hoffman concludes then that the importance of circumcision

lies not in the cutting of flesh but in the shedding of blood and

that the salvation wrought through circumcision blood officially had eschatological meaning; it was a guarantee of life in the

world to come, a meaning lost by the Middle Ages. Hoffman also tackles the gendered significance of this ritual.

He maintains "that circumcision's primary meaning was social, not biological" (p. 80). The blood of circumcision came to

be opposed to menstrual blood. He concludes: "But the essence

of my argument is that precisely because rabbinic Judaism was

a religion of the body, men's and women's bodies became

signifiers of what the Rabbis accepted as gender essence, es-

pecially with regard to the binary opposition of men's blood

drawn during circumcision and women's blood that flows dur-

ing menstruation. Gender opposition remains absolutely central

in my reading of rabbinic texts" (p. 23). According to Hoffman, these concerns are a reflection of rabbinic desire to bring social

order to the universe; men can control the blood of circumci-

sion in opposition to the uncontrolled bleeding of menstruation.

This distinction is based on a culture versus nature dichotomy,

600 600

This content downloaded from 185.44.77.146 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 06:35:22 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions