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OCCURRENCE OF EXOGENOUS FRESHW ATER BIVALVES (UNIONOIDA) IN THE LESSER ANTILLES DURING THE 1ST MILLENIUM A.D.: EXAMPLE FROM THE HOPE ESTATE SALADOID SITE (ST. MARTIN, FRENCH LESSER ANTILLES). Nathalie SERRAND ESA 8045 CNRS, Archéozoologie et Histoire des Sociétés, Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, Laboratoire d’Anatomie comparée, 55, rue Buffon, F-75005 Paris. Tel : 33 (0) 1 40 79 32 88 - Fax : 33 (0)1 40 79 33 14 - email : [email protected] ABSTRACT The Hope Estate shell assemblages attest of alimentary and technological exploitation of marine Mollusks by its Saladoid inhabitants (ca. 500 B.C.-A.D. 600). Among numerous remains, ten fresh water Mussel specimens, all seemingly worked artifacts of an ornamental type, were recently identified as belonging to the Unionoida order and are therefore likely to have originated either from the Greater Antilles or the South-American mainland. Similar observations had already been reported for two Saladoid sites in St-Croix and suggested for two other contemporary sites in the Lesser Antilles but remained unpublished. Taken together, they suggest that trade and cultural networks, evidenced between insular and continental Saladoid populations by other archaeological remains, also likely included some shells as elements of economic and symbolic value. Resumen Los agregados de material de concha del sitio de Hope Estate, en la isla de St Martin en las Antillas Minores, atestiguan de la explotación alimenticia y tecnológica de los moluscos marinos por los ocupantes Saladoid (cerca de 400 B.C.-A.D. 600). Entre los numerosos restos, diez espécimenes de concha, asimilables a objetos de typo ornemental, fueron identificados como perteneciendo al orden Unionoida de mejillones de agua dulce. De hecho son probablemente originarios de las Antillas Majores o del continente sud-americano. Observaciones similares existen para dos sitios Saladoid de la isla de St-Croix y fueron sugeridas para dos sitios contemporáneos de las Antillas Minores. El conjunto suggiere que los enrejados de cambio comercial y cultural documentados entre poblaciones prehistóricas Saladoides insulares y continentales por otros vestigios arqueológicos incluyen verosi- milmente también algunas conchas como elementos de valor económica y simbólico. Résumé Les assemblages malacofauniques du site de Hope Estate attestent de l’exploitation alimentaire et technologique des Mollusques marins par ses occupants Saladoïdes (env. 500 B.C.-A.D. 600). Parmi les nombreux restes, dix spécimens de moules d’eau douce, assimilables à des objets de type ornemental, y ont été récemment identifiés comme appartenant à l’ordre des Unionoida et sont, de ce fait, susceptibles d’être originaires des Grandes Antilles ou du continent sud-américain. Des observations similaires, non publiées, avaient déjà été établies pour deux sites Saladoïdes de l’île de St-Croix et suggérées pour deux sites contemporains des Petites Antilles. L’ensemble sug- gère que les réseaux d’échanges commerciaux et culturels, documentés entre populations Saladoïdes insulaires et continentales par d’autres vestiges archéologiques, incluaient, vraisemblablement, certains coquillages comme éléments de valeur économique et symbolique. 136

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Page 1: OCCURRENCE OF EXOGENOUS FRESHWATER BIVALVES …ufdcimages.uflib.ufl.edu/AA/00/06/19/61/00718/18-A13 copy of A12.pdfoccurrence of exogenous freshwater bivalves (unionoida) in the lesser

OCCURRENCE OF EXOGENOUS FRESHWATER BIVALVES (UNIONOIDA) IN THE LESSER ANTILLES DURING THE 1ST MILLENIUM A.D.:

EXAMPLE FROM THE HOPE ESTATE SALADOID SITE (ST. MARTIN, FRENCH LESSER ANTILLES).

Nathalie SERRAND

ESA 8045 CNRS, Archéozoologie et Histoire des Sociétés, Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, Laboratoire d’Anatomie comparée, 55, rue Buffon, F-75005 Paris.

Tel : 33 (0) 1 40 79 32 88 - Fax : 33 (0)1 40 79 33 14 - email : [email protected]

❐ ABSTRACTThe Hope Estate shell assemblages attest of alimentary and technological exploitation of marine Mollusks by itsSaladoid inhabitants (ca. 500 B.C.-A.D. 600). Among numerous remains, ten fresh water Mussel specimens, allseemingly worked artifacts of an ornamental type, were recently identified as belonging to the Unionoida orderand are therefore likely to have originated either from the Greater Antilles or the South-American mainland.Similar observations had already been reported for two Saladoid sites in St-Croix and suggested for two othercontemporary sites in the Lesser Antilles but remained unpublished. Taken together, they suggest that trade andcultural networks, evidenced between insular and continental Saladoid populations by other archaeologicalremains, also likely included some shells as elements of economic and symbolic value.

ResumenLos agregados de material de concha del sitio de Hope Estate, en la isla de St Martin en las Antillas Minores,atestiguan de la explotación alimenticia y tecnológica de los moluscos marinos por los ocupantes Saladoid (cercade 400 B.C.-A.D. 600). Entre los numerosos restos, diez espécimenes de concha, asimilables a objetos de typoornemental, fueron identificados como perteneciendo al orden Unionoida de mejillones de agua dulce. De hechoson probablemente originarios de las Antillas Majores o del continente sud-americano. Observaciones similaresexisten para dos sitios Saladoid de la isla de St-Croix y fueron sugeridas para dos sitios contemporáneos de lasAntillas Minores. El conjunto suggiere que los enrejados de cambio comercial y cultural documentados entrepoblaciones prehistóricas Saladoides insulares y continentales por otros vestigios arqueológicos incluyen verosi-milmente también algunas conchas como elementos de valor económica y simbólico.

RésuméLes assemblages malacofauniques du site de Hope Estate attestent de l’exploitation alimentaire et technologiquedes Mollusques marins par ses occupants Saladoïdes (env. 500 B.C.-A.D. 600). Parmi les nombreux restes, dixspécimens de moules d’eau douce, assimilables à des objets de type ornemental, y ont été récemment identifiéscomme appartenant à l’ordre des Unionoida et sont, de ce fait, susceptibles d’être originaires des Grandes Antillesou du continent sud-américain. Des observations similaires, non publiées, avaient déjà été établies pour deux sitesSaladoïdes de l’île de St-Croix et suggérées pour deux sites contemporains des Petites Antilles. L’ensemble sug-gère que les réseaux d’échanges commerciaux et culturels, documentés entre populations Saladoïdes insulaires etcontinentales par d’autres vestiges archéologiques, incluaient, vraisemblablement, certains coquillages commeéléments de valeur économique et symbolique.

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❐ INTRODUCTION

Archaeology and ethnohistory have much contributed to a better understanding of the Saladoidoccupation of the Caribbean area and of some of its populations’ cultural trends. Yet it is still difficultto get a dynamic picture of the Saladoid cultural space and of movements of populations, ideas,resources and goods within it; save when archaeological remains witness of cultural and / or com-mercial exchanges taking place between islands and with the continent. Several types of exogenousmaterials, technological productions or stylistic traditions were indeed identified in Caribbean islandsites and connected with their primary, sometimes continental, sources. Recently, observations of exo-genous freshwater mussels on the Saladoid site of Hope Estate (St Martin), echoing a unpublishedreport for the island of St-Croix (U.S. Virgin Islands) by Vescelius and Robinson (1979), suggest thatsome Mollusks’ shells also were circulating in the Caribbean area as economically and / or symboli-cally valued raw materials or finished artifacts.

❐ CONTEXT, SITE AND MATERIAL

The Hope Estate site, Molluscan materials and exogenous Unionids

The Hope Estate site is located inland the northeastern part of the calcareous island of St Martin,on a small rocky spur, 80 m high above the alluvial plain and about two kilometers far away from thenearest coast as the crow flies (Figure 1). Excavations undertaken by Haviser (1991), Barret and Leton(1989), Henocq, Hofman and Hoogland (Henocq et al. 1993, 1994, 1995) and Bonnissent (Bonnissent etal. 1997, 1998) revealed dense remains of a large Saladoid village occupation extending on the plateau‘sshelf (Figure 2). Two large peripheral belts of refuse middens yielded rich and stratigraphically com-plex material assemblages. The site’s occupation sequence, divided into two to three occupationphases, according to the ceramic assemblages, globally spans 500 B.C. to A.D. 600 (Bonnissent et al.1998).

During ongoing studies of the Hope Estate shell remains, ten modified fragments of thicknacreous shells, given they could not be directly identified, were isolated out of the materials from allfield campaigns: four modified fragments were isolated from the 1997-1999 remains (Figure 3-a, f, i andj) while subsequent examination of artifacts that had been exhumed prior to 1997 revealed six otherspecimens (Figure 3-b to e, g and h).

❐ TAXONOMIC IDENTIFICATION AND DISTRIBUTION

Identifications

Preliminary identification of the archaeological specimens was achieved using comparative col-lections at the National Museum of Natural History in Paris. All specimens are related to theUnionoida order of freshwater Mussels. Detailed identification of the Unionids representatives, whichare numerous and for some poorly known and characterized by ecophenotypic variability, remains dif-ficult (Cummings, personal communication 1998; Haas 1969a, b; Johnson 1981; Olsson and Wurtz 1951;Ortman 1921). A few morphoscopic diagnostic criteria were used to classify the archaeological speci-mens. Thus seven out of the 10 (Figure 3-a and d to i) exhibit similar characteristics: a thick, nacreoussurface; a strong posterior ridge curving from the postero-ventral end to the postero-dorsal end; full,low and little sculptured umbos with moderately deep cavities; a long and straight hinge, narrowunder the umbo and wider behind and in front; well-formed and compressed cardinal teeth stretchingfrom below and in front of the umbo almost to the anterior margin ; anterior lateral teeth extendingover and beyond the anterior adductor scar and lamellar ridges stretching behind the umbo on to the

posterior end1. These observations led us and Dr. Kevin S. Cummings, from the Illinois NaturalHistory Survey, to identify these seven specimens to the genus Paxyodon Munschen, 1781, of which theonly species known is P. syrmatophorus (Figure 4-a and Table 1). Its shell is notably characterized by a

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stretching wing, which is not apparent on the fragmentary archaeological pieces (Cummings, personalcommunication 1998; Haas 1969a:457, 1969b:490; Olsson and Wurtz 1951:2; Ortman 1921:458). Theother identifiable specimen (Figure 3-j) in opposition, while also nacreous, is flat without any posteriorridge, has an almost toothless or edentate hinge and a little marked umbo, all characteristic attributesof the Anodontites genus, possibly the species A. infossus Baker, 1930 (Figure 4-b and Table 1). Finally,two specimens (Figure 3-b and c), given the absence of diagnostic attributes, could only be attributedto the order’s rank.In any case, direct comparisons with available specimens of the two known Cuban species, Nephronaiasscamnata (Morelet) and Villosa gundlachi (Dunker) (Johnson 1981), thanks to Dr. J.-P. Pointier of theLaboratoire de Biologie Marine and Malacologie of the CNRS, and subsequent observation by Dr. K. S.Cummings, indicated that none of the archaeological specimens relate to these two species.

Distribution of Unionids and potential origin of the Hope Estate specimens

As a matter of fact, Unionids are widely distributed in the large drainages of the Neo-tropicalarea. Yet, they are absent from the Lesser Antilles (Maze 1883:5) and only known so far in the GreaterAntilles in restricted areas of Cuba (Pinar del Rio Province to the west, Rio Taco and Gibara to theeast and Cacajajicara) where two species have been observed: Nephronaias (Nephronaias) scamnata(Morelet) and Villosa gundlachi (Dunker) (Arango 1865; Johnson 1981:270-280; Lea 1832-1874:77; VonMartens 1890-1901:507-508, Table 39, Figure 9-11a). No other representative of Unionids is mentionedin the studies for the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico or Jamaïca (Crosse 1891:69-211 and 1892:5-71,Vendryes 1899:590-607, Van der Schalie 1948). On the other hand, although the wide geographic distribution of freshwater mussels in South-Americaremains poorly understood (Von Martens 1890-1901, Ortmann 1921:454, Baker 1923-1930, Haas1969a:510-579), recent evaluations by Dr. Kevin S. Cummings (personal communication 1998) revealthat specimens of the two families and species identified at the Hope Estate site are known from theVenezuelan area, where only the Hyriinae sub-family and the Mycetopodidae family (see Table 1) arerepresented. Specimens of Paxyodon syrmatophorus and of Anodontites infossus are respectively knownfrom the Orinoco (Academy of Natural Sciences records Philadelphia, ANSP; Figure 4-a) and Rio Aroa(Illinois Natural History Survey records, INHS; Figure 4-b) river systems. The Hope Estate archaeolo-gical specimens thus may likely have had a continental origin, maybe directly connected to theVenezuelan hydrographic systems; if not they are not likely to have come from any of the LesserAntilles islands.

❐ DESCRIPTION AND DATES

Table 2 gives all spatial, stratigraphical and chronological indications for the 10 specimens’contexts. It is to be noted that most of the specimens appear concentrated in the center of the easternbelt of refuse deposits, one of the site’s richest area (Figure 2). There are five calibrated dates availablefor the specimens’ contexts, most of which are identified as Cedrosan Saladoid deposits (Table 2): spe-cimen 2007C is at least posterior to a layer2 dated to 1770 ± 50 B.P. (Beta-106228, wood charcoal), thatis cal A.D. 135-405 (2 sigma, Beta Analytic Florida, Stuiver and Becker 1993 in Bonnissent et al. 1997:11,17); specimen 2513B is at least anterior to a layer3 dated to 1560 ± 60 B.P. and 1710 ± 70 B.P. (Beta-106231and Beta-106233, wood charcoals), that is cal A.D. 395-635 and 160-530 (2 sigma, Beta Analytic Florida,Stuiver and Becker 1993 in Bonnissent et al. 1997:10, 17) ; unit 16’s context is dated to 2070 ± 140 B.P.(LGQ 1099, wood charcoal) that is cal A.D. 60-635 (2 sigma, Beta Analytic Florida, Stuiver and Becker1993 in Henocq et al. 1995 : 21). Finally one date was directly obtained from specimen 2917A: 1610 ± 45B.P. (AA 30805, shell), that is cal A.D. 342-557 (2 sigma, computer program Calib.exe 4.1, Stuiver andReimer 1993). When probability histograms are plotted and major peaks located, all calibrated datesappear consistent despite wide ranges which are usual for that period of time (Figure 5). They all fallwithin the first millenium A.D. and mostly before the seventh century. Further detailed analysis of theshells’ contexts and association with other material assemblages still need to be done.

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To be noted is also that nine of the shells exhibit human made perforations, either biconical orconical, starting from the shell’s external side under the hinge, most often behind the umbo, or fromthe shell’s internal side and sometimes enlarged. More over, one specimen (Figure 3-e) has its postero-dorsal end cut out into a wing or a fin, accentuated by strong incisions; another one (Figure 3-b),although fragmented and unperforated, has its external side incised; the last one (Figure 3-c), althoughof uncertain identification, shows an interesting, maybe artificial, colored line associated with threeperforations.

❐ DISCUSSION

Other archaeological and recent specimens

Linda S. Robinson and Gary S. Vescelius isolated, in 1978-79, a hundred seventy-three workedshell pieces among rather exceptional exogenous materials4 from the Richmond and St. Georges sitesin St. Croix (U.S. Virgin Islands), both related to the Middle Saladoid, Cuevan period (ca. A.D. 350-600).These shells were characterized by the authors as “ unlikely to have been of local origin ” and wereidentified by David H. Stansberry, of the Ohio State University, as South-American freshwater musselsof the Prisodon genus (see Table 1), which is reputedly known from the Amazon and Orinoco basins(Vescelius and Robinson, oral communication and manuscript 1979). The artifacts, according toVescelius and Robinson, were carefully worked with geometrical designs or representations of bird,frog and human figures as well as perforated, etc.. These observations were presented during the 8thInternational Congress for the Archaeological Study of pre-Columbian Cultures in the Lesser Antilles,in St. Kitts, but remained unfortunately unpublished and we don’t know of any illustration of the arti-facts. Vescelius and Robinson also pointed out of several nacreous ornaments from the Middle andLate Saladoid Indian Creek site, in Antigua, an artifact described as an “ elegantly carved shell pen-dant ” by S. Olsen (1974:16, Figure 715); its size and morphology are similar to those of Unionids. In asimilar way, they indicated a cut out, incised and triply perforated artifact from an unlocatedGuadeloupean site ; it also shows strong similarities with Unionids and was classified by E. Clerc asan “ornement corporel - objet ornemental - pendentif représentant des formes humaines ou animales”and positioned in a time frame of A.D. 300-800 (Clerc 1974:130-132). Although attention was then clear-ly drawn on the underestimated presence of exogenous shells in Antillean Saladoid sites, their impli-cations for contacts with the South-American mainland remained unexplored.

Finally, without addressing any ethno-archaeological analogy or the perenniality of techno-cultu-ral traditions, let’s just mention the recent use of nacreous shells by the Mundé6 women of theBolivia/Brazil border and Rio Pimenta-Bueno area (one of the Rio Machado’s tributary) as witnessedby Lévi-Strauss (1994:174-175). Some of his photographs show women wearing neck parings includingshells, doubly perforated in front and behind the umbo, that almost doubtless belong to the Unionoidaorder.

Exchange systems and scenarios

Unequal distribution of resources in the Caribbean area was likely overcome, by Saladoid groups,through systems of access to distant resources: the presence of continental terrestrial vertebrate speciesand semi-domestic plants (Keegan 1987; Newsom 1993; Wing 1989, 1993)7; of flint flaked tools ofwhich only a few insular sources are documented in Antigua (Long Island islet), St Kitts and PuertoRico (Knippenberg 1999; van Gijn 1996); of semi-precious lithics (amethyst, nephrite, turquoise, etc.)imported from continental sources (Boomert 1987 ; Cody 1990, 1993 ; Helms 1987) ; of exogenous vol-canic tempers in both Saladoid and Post-Saladoid ceramic samples from the calcareous islands ofBarbuda and Anguilla (Donahue et al. 1990) are some evidence of exchanges in the Caribbean area.Numerous archaeological evidence as well as ethnohistory witness of the continental networks’ bread-th and complexity and of their permanence until the Contact Period in the Amazon area, the Orinocoregion and the coasts of the Guyanas (Acu Caribbean area. Numerous archaeological evidence as well

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as ethnohistory witness of the continental netwin this frame, several scenarios for the shells’ circula-tion into the Caribbean islands can be suggested:

1 - They may have been transferred, as finished artifacts, during Saladoid dispersal episodes fromthe continent. They thus could have been elements of a traditional “cultural baggage ” and parts of theoriginal symbolic “ equipment ”. These artifacts and their signification may have lasted or been quick-ly abandoned with the adaptation of the “ symbolic landscape ” to new symbols of the insular world.

2 - These artifacts may also have been acquired as unequally available raw material or finishedobjects, after the populations settled on the islands through commercial exchanges, either directly bet-ween insular and continental groups, or indirectly via a larger circulation system and intermediariesspaced out in space or / and in time.

3 - In much the same way, they may have been integrated as rare and signifying objects within aceremonial or symbolic transfer system (transmission of prestige goods, retribution, gifts, counter-gifts,etc).

4 - They may also have been directly obtained on the continent by insular groups on commercialtrips for the disposal of local insular goods in exchange for exogenous continental goods.

In any case, while the raw material per se was certainly valued for its rarity, provenience and thickiridescent layer, recurrences in the treatment applied to the artifacts themselves, suggest that theymight also have been economically and symbolically signifying elements.

❐ CONCLUSION AND REFLEXIONS

The Richmond, St. Georges, Hope Estate and perhaps Indian Creek and Guadeloupean sitesconstitute a small cluster of coherent evidences. They indicate that some shells circulated at leastduring the first millenium A.D. either as valued raw materials and / or as symbolic, prestigious objectswithin the Caribbean.

Increased identification of Unionids remains in shell materials is therefore necessary but remainsoften difficult among various nacreous fragments that can easily be assigned to the Antillean oystersPinctada or Pteria spp.. Progress in the understanding of the spatial and temporal distributions ofUnionids in island sites needs dated contexts that could help determining an “ active period ” wherethey were highly significant and used and is necessary for exploring possible relationships with otherdocumented exchange processes. Identification of debitage remains on sites, or connection betweenfinished artifacts and continental or island production centers, also are crucial if one wants to deter-mine whether the shells were more likely brought into the archipelago as valued raw material or fini-shed products.

If shell circulation only shows up through these “ exotic ” specimens, it is yet possible it wasconcerning less spectacular local species and productions. For instance, a high percentage of discoidbeads made out of the most common Caribbean species Strombus and Chama spp. is often observedon sites; could it reflect a production intended to exceed the only inhabitants’ needs? Could it be direc-ted toward middle-range (inter-islands) exchanges of composite finished objects ornamented withbeads (see Carlson 1995; Dunn and Kelley 1989; Littman and Keegan 1991; Moscoso 1981)?

More globally these observations, combined with those made on lithic and ceramic exogenousmaterials, lead one to consider the Saladoid socio-economic systems, in a context of unequally distri-buted resources, as integrating complementary resources widespread in a fragmented insular andcontinental territory. Witness of enlarged exploitation of several islands, exchanges between neighborpopulations and transfers of some continental elements thus also bear consequences as for the unders-tanding of Saladoid sites’ occupation and relationships: i.e. temporary occupations related to localizedresources’ acquisition activities; successive occupations by the same populations of sites localized ondifferent islands, etc. At last, the existence of circulation networks associating economic and symbolictransfers and interactions may help understanding the initial maintenance of a Saladoid cultural unity,and, the appearance in the long term of a Post-Saladoid cultural diversification.

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❐ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I first of all and very gratefully thank Dr. Kevin S. Cummings, of the Illinois Natural HistorySurvey, for his undeniable kind support, his correcting and refining of the archaeological specimens’identifications and the great pictures used in Figure 4. Warm thanks go to Mr. P. Lozouet, of theLaboratoire de Biologie des Invertébrés Marins (M.N.H.N. Paris) for his always helpful advice and forletting us access to the M.N.H.N. specimens collections; to Dr. J.P. Pointier, of the Laboratoire deBiologie Marine and Malacologie (E.P.HE., UMR 5555 CNRS) who let us look at some of the Cubanexemplars he collected and to Mrs G. and A. Faulkner (Munich) for their bibliographical advises. TheUniversity of Arizona and the National Science Foundation processed the radiocarbon date directlyobtained on specimen 2917A. We want to acknowledge the help of D. Bonnissent and C. Stouvenotwho let us use the Hope Estate site map they established in 1998 and all data available. I warmly thankD.R. Watters and K.S. Cummings for their text corrections and advice.

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❐ NOTES

1 Dentition varies a lot from very imperfect for representatives of the Unioninae sub-family toabsent for those of the Anodontinae sub-family (Cummings personal communication 1998; Haas1969a; Ortman 1921).2 Lower Stratum E.3 Upper Stratum C.4 Folmer Andersen’s ancient archaeological collection, now property of the National Parks

Service.5 Olsen suggests that it represents a manatee (1974:16).6 “ Les Indiens qui se désignaient eux-mêmes du nom de Mundé étaient probablement les restesd’une population jadis nombreuse, appelée Kepkiriwat par les Nambikwara. Une expédition mili-taire brésilienne les découvrit peu avant la Première Guerre mondiale. Ils étaient depuis tombésdans l’oubli. […] ” (Lévi-Strauss 1994:165).7 These introductions’ nature (contemporary or subsequent to the initial migrations?) and the sta-tute of the introduced animals (commensal or domestic) have still to be understood.

❐ FIGURES CAPTIONS

Figure 1. The island of St. Martin (French Antilles) and the Saladoid site of Hope Estate.Figure 2. The Hope Estate site - After Bonnissent and Stouvenot 1998.Figure 3. The ten Hope Estate archaeological Unionids : Top - dorsal view ; Bottom - ventral view(© Serrand)a–1997, 2513B; b–1993, unit 9 ; c-1993, unit 16 ; d-1993, unit 9 ; e- ? ; F-1999, 3502; g-1993, unit 9; h-1993, unit 5; i-1997, 2007C; j-1999, 2917A (directly radiocarbon dated).Figure 4. Present day specimens of the two Unionids species identified at Hope Estate –Courtesyof Kevin S. Cummings 1999 ©.a – Paxyodon syrmatophorus (Munschen, 1781) – ANSP specimen 125546 (Orinoco River,

Venezuela).b – Anodontites infossus (Baker, 1930) – INHS specimen 17032-4 (Rio Aroa, Yaracuy, Venezuela).Figure 5. Probabilities histogram of calibrated radiocarbon dates for the Hope Estate Unionids’

contexts.

❐ TABLE CAPTIONS

Table 1. Simplified Classification of the Unionoida order and of some genera (after Abbott and Boss1989 : 120-124)Table 2. Summary of the spatial, stratigraphical and chronological contexts of the ten archaeologi-cal Unionids from Hope Estate.

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Figure 1. The island of St. Martin (French Antilles) and the Saladoid site of Hope Estate.

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Figure 2. The Hope Estate site - After Bonnissent and Stouvenot 1998.

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Figure 3. The ten Hope Estate archaeological Unionids : Top - dorsal view ; Bottom - ventral view (© Serrand)a–1997, 2513B; b–1993, unit 9 ; c-1993, unit 16 ; d-1993, unit 9 ; e- ? ; F-1999, 3502; g-1993, unit 9; h-1993, unit 5; i-1997,2007C; j-1999, 2917A (directly radiocarbon dated).

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Figure 4. Present day specimens of the two Unionids species identified at Hope Estate –Courtesy of Kevin S. Cummings 1999 ©.

a – Paxyodon syrmatophorus (Munschen, 1781) – ANSP specimen 125546 (Orinoco River, Venezuela).b – Anodontites infossus (Baker, 1930) – INHS specimen 17032-4 (Rio Aroa, Yaracuy, Venezuela).

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Table 1. Simplified Classification of the Unionoida order and of some genera (after Abbott and Boss 1989 : 120-124)

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Table 2. Summary of the spatial, stratigraphical and chronological contexts of the ten archaeological Unionids from Hope Estate.