Being a Soldier in the Roman Imperial Army

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Le mtier dc soldatdans lemonderomainCc volume comprend trente alticles, reflets des commurucations donncs lors ducinquirne congrs de Lyon sur l'annc romainc qui s'cst tcnu Lyrn cn scptcmbre2010 et qui a t l'occasion d'aborder diffrcnts aspccts du < mtier de soldat n dans lcmonde romain du Haut-Ernpirc ct du Bas-Ernpire. C'e st la question dcs sources, surtoutpigraphiques et alchologiques, qui a d'abord t abordc. Vient ensuitc l'tudc durecrlltelnent des soldats : les spcificits du rcclutement des auiliailcs, le cas dcl'g1ptc, lcs rcclutcm.nt, .^tr'"rdinaires, le staftt des lgionnaires. Puis c'est la viequotidiennc du soldat qui cst analyse : qu'attendait-on clu soldat, quellcs taient scstchcs, colrmet tait-il entran ? Sont enfn cxamins lc cas de certains ofniciers et desoldats spcialiss : qucllcs sont lcs caractristiqucs d'un bon gnr'al, que font lescanal'cu/art, qui sont lespetttores ? Sars oublicr lc prfct dc Berenike , les interprtes,les etp/orotores,lcs dttpltccu^ii etles sesq ulicart'i.

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Le mtier de soldatOrt contribu ce volurnc :Ciulia Blnnttl, Alfredo BuoNop,un, Maria Letizia C.lonlll, David Colt-ntc,Pierre Cosun, Giorg'io Cnnn, Patrice F.quRR, Audrey FRlur, Agns Cnosuunsr,Rudolph HtNscu, Sylvain JANNtl, Alna Maria Kusnn, Jean-Pierre Laponrn,Yann LB BoHnc, Patrick L Roux, Andreina Mactoxcarn., M:uc Mryn I Oltv,Fatih ONun, Sabino Psn,t YeNns, Maria Federica PBrn.cclq, Mihai Porscu,Cecilia RIcct, Christophe Scutvttt HtorNRrcu, Michal A. Spnn1, Karl Srnosnl,Elisabetta Tootsco, Adrien ToNoun, Sofie W,tsNs, Gabriele Wnscu-Kt-m,Everett L. WHneLn, Cathenne Wot-pp, Livio Znnsru.

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Le rntier de soldat dansle rnonde rornain

Textes rassembls et dits parCatherine \Wor-r r

Actes du cinquime Congrs de Lyon(23 - 25 septembre 2010)

Diffusion Librairie De BoccardI 1, rue MdicsPARIS

Lyon,2012


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Being a Soldier in the Rornan knperialArrny - Expectations and ResponsesMichal A. SpETDELUniversitt Bern

On 1l January 29 BCr' the gates of the temple of Ianus Quirinus weresolemnly closed and the ancient rite of Augurium Salutis was celebrated.2 Bothceremonies required that one condition was fully met: peace throughout theRoman Empire. The gates of Ianus Quirinus remained closed for over two years,3and caesar's heir made sure that no one misunderstood the ancient symbol: forthe f,rrst time in centuries, the Roman world was officially in a state of universalpeace. The reality was differenr, bur that is beside the point.a \(/hat is trulysignihcant is that tradition would now also have required the dismissal of Rome'scitizen-soldies. \hat happened instead is, of course, well-known. Although largenumbers of soldiers were discharged and many legions were disbanded, nearlyhalf remained in service (the legions were soon to number 28) and weredistributed per provincia.s.5 Simultaneously closing the gates of Ianus Quirinus andstationing legions throughout the provincial world therefore amounted to thepublic acknowledgment by Imperator caesar to maintain, against tradition, aprofessional and permanent army even in times of peace. Despite the long periodof continuous and profound changes that had affected the Roman military sysremparticularly since the second Punic rar, I I January 29 BC can therefore be seento mark the symbolic birthday of the new imperial Roman army - and of a newtype of Roman soldier.By the end of the reign of Augustus military service in the Roman imperialarmy had become a true profession and an employment defined by a new set offixed conditions.6 Incidentally, this development also established the existence of

agani, civilians, as the complementary social category and a central element ofISBN : 978-2-90497 4-44-lISSN:0298S500Diffusion De Boccard 75006 PaisO CEROR 2012 - Tous droits rservs - Dpt lgal dcembre 2012Illustration de l' page : dtail de la colonne trajane (l l3 ap. J. C.) - Rome

Inscr. Ital. ){III 2, ll3, 395 (Fasti Praen.). V. Ehrenberg, A.H.M. Jones (1955: p.45).Ianus Quirinus: Livy 1,19,3. Do 51,20,4. Oros., Adaers. Pag. 6,20,L. Augurium Salutis:Dio 51,20,4. Cf. Suet., Aug.3l,4.Cf. Oros., Adaers. Pag. 6,2l,l.Dio 53,22,5 and 53,27,L. RGDA 13.Dio 51,20,5.Swet., Aug. 17,3.49,1. Dio 51,4,1-5,1. Oros., Adoers. Pag.6,l9,l4. L. Keppie (1984:p.134tr.). G. Wesch-Klein (1991).Srel., Aug. 49,2. Cf. Tac., Ann. 1,17. M.A. Speidel (2009: p.22ff.; 408ff.). TheAugustan military reforms were radical and revolutionary, and mark a profound changein the developments towards a standing army, wich had already begun during the LateRepublic. Cf. e.g. R.E. Smith (1958: esp. p.70-7Q.


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the professional soldier's raison d'te (as well as to the many regrettable frictionsbetween the two groups that ensued.7 The Byzantine historian Priscus, for one,still admired the wisdom of this institution in the mid-fifth century AD:8"The creators of the Roman State, I said, who were wise and good men, in

order to prevent things from being done at haphazard made one class of menguardians of the laws, and appointed another class to the profession of arms, whowere to have no other object than to be always ready for battle, and to go forth towar without dread, as though to their ordinary exercise having by practiceexhausted all their fear beforehand..."

Innumerable studies have contributed to our knowledge of this institution,of its development, and of its significance in various contexts and from variousaspects. In fact, the Roman imperial army is no doubt the most thoroughlystudied and best-known army of the Ancient rorld. Many of the possibilities todescribe or to define the characteristics of 'le mtier de soldat' have thereforebeen explored, such as the legal aspects, privileges and restrictions that camewith military service in the imperial army, the soldier's daily life and religion, orthe reconstruction of military training and combat. Flowever, only few studiesappear to have attempted to examine the collective expectations, ideals, attitudes,and beliefs of the imperial Roman military community as reflected by their ownstatements in the documentary and archaeological evidence. If contrasted withthe results from other sources) and with the expectations and the image, orimages, which other social groups had of the military, such a study would be awelcome and signihcant contribution to our understanding of the militaryprofession, of the collective patterns of behaviour and of the social esteem of theRoman soldier.e In this spirit, the following observations intend to shed light on afew perhaps not sufficiently explored aspects of what it meant to be a Romansoldier, and how professional military service in the Roman imperial army mighthave contributed to the shaping of a man's identity.

Speaking of 'the Roman soldier', is, of course, creating an abstract idealtype and an all-encompassing category, which had no true counterpart in reality.Nevertheless) it can be argued that there is more justification to generalize aboutthe Roman soldier than there is with any other professional group within theRoman world. For around 25 years of military service no doubt conditioned theindividual soldier, irrespective of his social and ethnic background, to conform tothe norms and expectations of Roman military culture,r0 and to eventually adopt7 Cf. J.F. Gilliam (1986: p.65-68). For important aspecrs of this developmenr see nowalso rJ. Eck (2010a). Raison d'tre: cf. below, text to n. 24f. Frictions: M.A. Speidel(2}ll: p.213tr). Cf. also M.A. Speidel (forthcoming).t Prisc., Fr. 8, FHG (trans. J.P. Bury). Cassius Dio 52, 27, foo, propagated this view.n For an excellent attempt at the subject cf. however J.-M. Carri (1989). Cf. alsoM.A. Speidel (2010: p.l4lfi .to Cf. M.A. Speidel (2009: p.22ff.; 515ff.) for the new imperial 'military culrure'.

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a great many common values and collective patterns of behaviour, emotion andthought, which were specifically linked to his profession.First recruits. Some young men may have looked forward to their military

seryice, like M. Acilius Fontanus from Saguntum in Spain, who was rememberedfor having been eager (cupide) to join the army.rr Others may have been moresceptical, fearing the dangers of military life. C. Nonius from Sulmo in centralItaly appears to have been among them. He scratched a grafflto onto a wall of thetemple of Hercules Quirinus near his home town, promising the god to sacrifice aboar and a calf should he return from the army in good health.r2 PerhapsC. Nonius had been drafted, for, contrary to what is often assumed, conscriptionremained an important recruiting method throughout the period underdiscussion.13 Flowever, there is nothing to indicate that conscripts served underdifferent conditions than volunteers) or that they were less efFrcient. Neverreless,the army's administration, at the provincial level, kept notice of thecircumstances under which a recruit had joined the forces.r'This is nowconfirmed by a recently published document on a fragmentary bronze tablet.15The preserved section of the Latin text relates to the honourable discharge n 240of a soldier from the 22. Legion who had been recruited as a [dilJectrius exprovincia Th[raciaJ.16 The precise nature of the text remains unclear, but itevidently uses official military terminology. The tetm [dilJecrrzus obviouslyrelates to recruitment by dilectus.ll At least one reason fo indicating thisseemingly curious detail in official military registers, from which the text appearsto be quoting, is provided by a well-known letter which Trajan wrote to rheyounger Pliny:r8 if someone was discovered to have illegally joined the army, hispunishment would depend on the circumstances of his recruitment. In the caseof conscripts (lectt) the fault lay with the recruiting officials, whereas volunteersQtoluntaril would be punished for concealing rheir true social origins. The newdocument therefore seryes to remind us of a signihcant aspect of military service:Roman soldiers were required to originate from a honourable social background.In fact, the known lists of those who were excluded from the right to join thearmy are surprisingly long.'e Even Theodosius' legislation in the immediate" CIL II2ll4,347i ... ingressum iu(o)enem militiam cupide ...'' AE 1981, 283 = Supp.It. IY 7: C(aius) onius L(uci) f(itius) Serg(ia) t--l I emunici[pJio Sulmone p[romisitJ I miles Herc[uJli Curino sei sala[us eJ I castris rediset ztot[a -JI aerem et aitulu[mJ I et aotis dam[natusJ I [aJdest.tt See now esp. l7. Eck (2010).t4 RMR 64i31-2.t5 AF'2006, 1866 = Zs.Mrv,A. Szab (2009).t6 No doubt, [dilJectarius is the correcr restorarion pace Zs. Mrv, A. Szab (2009).Cf. AE 2006, 1866. For conrexr see G. Alfldy (1987: p.368-376) and AE 2002, 1772with M.A. Speidel (2009: p.333tf .)." Cf. also CIL VIII 14603 = ILS 2305 (Simitthus): L(ucius) Flaminius D(ecimi) f(itiuArn(ensi) I mil(es) leg(ion) III Aug(ustae) I 7(centuria) Iuli Longi dilecto I lectus abM(arco) Silano ...18 Plin., Ep. lo,3o.'n Cf. Dig. 49,16,4,1ff. (Menander), 49,16,2,1 (Menander). 49,16,6 (paulus). Veg., l,Z.CPL lO2. R. . Davies (1989: p.l0f.). G. rVesch-Klein (1998: p.l56ff.).

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aftermath of Adrianopolis continued to insist on such principles.2O In otherwords, a soldier could understand his being accepted for military service toamount to an official recognition of his status as a honourable man.21 At times,this may have been no more than a fiction, but even as such it would have servedto uphold or to raise a soldier's self-esteem, and to shape his expectations (e.g. ofthe respect civilians were to show him). Few soldiers would therefore have agreedwith Tacitus that only the riff-raff of society, the needy and the homeless joinedthe army.22 Soldiers would much rather have pointed to the fact that thosehonourably discharged from Roman military service were officially countedamong ttre honesti, and enjoyed legal privileges.23

But soldiers expected recognition, respect and rewards for many otherreasons too. Above all, for their brave deeds and for the hardships and the deadlydangers of their military service even in times of peace, which they undertook toguarantee the integrity and the welfare of the Roman State and of the Empire'scivilian inhabitants.2' That at least was what imperial pronouncements declaredand what orators and philosophers such as Dio Chrysostomos, Aelius Aristides orMaximos of Tyros said what military service under the principate was about.25Diocletian, in his edict on maximum prices, still claimed that his armies were onthe march for the general welfare of atl (communis omnium slzrs) and evenOrosius aff,rrmed, over a century later, that the Roman army fought in thecommon interest of the State (in usum communis reipublicae).26 But suchexpectations were ubiquitous and can even be found inscribed, for instance, onbronze dice-dispensers and on game boards from purely civilian contexts.Priscus, a Paphlagonian serving in Trajan's army, would have agreed.28 His

'o CTh.7,13,8.'l ,13,9.8,2,3.erc. Cf. H. Leppin (2010). For the concept and the importance of honour in imperial Rome in generalcf. J.E. Lendon (1997: esp. 30ff., and 237ff. for the army). Tac., Ann. 4,4, Cf. M.A. Speidel (2009:p.318 with further literature).2a Brave deeds : cf e.g. CIL )i'III 7234 (Mainz): fortiter arm[a tJuli. M.P. Speidel (1992:pl24ff. and 2005 p.73ff. with numerous examples). Brave deeds recognized:M.A. Speidel (2010: pl44f.). See also the inscription from Aquae Flavianae below.Dangers: cf. e.g. BGU 180. CIL VIII 20857. CIL XII 149. CIL XIII 1828. 2667.ILs2259. 2646. 5795. RIB 3218. RIU 1L48. 1248. SB 7523 = Sel. Pap. II254. O.Krok. 6.47. 87. P.Abinn. 12. M.A. Speidel (2009e: p.490ff.). On the subject cf. alsoM.A. Speidel (2011: p.218). For an example of the attitudes of the victims of thisRoman ideal cf. M.A. Speidel (forthcoming).25 Imperial pronouncements: cf. M.A. Speidel (2009:44ff.). Dio Chrys. 1,28. Ael. Arist.,Or. Rom. 67.71.81-84. etc. Maximus Tyr. 23. Cf. also Dio 56,16,3.26 Praef. 14 in the edition of S. Lauffer (1971). See M.A. Speidel (2009e: p.488ff.).Oros., Adzters Pag. 5, l, 13. ILS 8626a (Rome): Parthi occisi, I Br[iJtt[oJ aictus, I ludit[eJ [RJomani, and ILS 8626b(Trier): airtus imer, I hostes oincti, I ludant Romani. AE 1989, 562b (Froitzt'eim): PictosI aictos, I hostis I deleta, I ludite I securi. See also CIL XIII 3780 (Trier). 3781 (Trier).AE 1891, 131 (Luni). AE1892,30 (Tipasa).28 AE Lgg3,1547. SEG 43,91L. C. Marek (1993: p.100ff.) thought Piscos was a simplesoldier. M.P. Speidel (2005a: p.80-86) took him to be an eques singularis Augusti.Recently however, R. Haensch (2009: p.2141f.) argued that the man might rather have

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Greek funerary inscription declares that he had been 'a friend and an aid tomany', that he had 'protected a whole people' (or 'the entire army'?),2e and thathe returned home as a resplendent star, the pride of his parents. christianterminology of t},e miles Christ and of his counterpart, the paganus,)o appears toreflect such ideals and thereby reveals an image of the Roman soldier that washardly as universally negative as the surviving complaints about soldiers'misdeeds and their abuse of power have led many scholars to believe.3r

The soldiers' quest for public and private acknowledgement and respect isevident from a great number and variety of documents, including, for instance,military diplomas. For not only did these documents contain the legal privilegesthat the emperor had personally granted in recognition of their military service,but the layout of their texts changed in the second half of the second cenrury ropresented the recipients' names in letters of notably increased size. This betraysthe growing signiltcance of these bronze tablets as a presentable remembrance of25 years of service in the Roman army.32 The desire of veterans to proudlyexhibit such a precious inscribed memento back home is even more evident fromthe early third century trend to produce private copies in bronze of officialdischarge and other documents tfrat were usually only written on wooden tabletsor on papyrus. By this time, as is well-known, the dangers of military service hadincreased considerably, and soldiers could refer to their service as an 'unholypan'.33 Their need of recognition and reward grew accordingly. But soapparently did their enry of civilians, whom they often believed to be livingcarefree lives in luxury, but expecting soldiers to subject to strict discipline,physical hardship, and abstinence from leisure and joy. Such resentments nodoubt contributed to rhe brutal acts of violence, particularly by 3'o c. soldiers,when they believed that civilians were supporting an illegitimate cause..,

Yet what, might we ask, was a legitimate cause in the eyes of Romansoldiers? or perhaps rather) what meaning did imperial pronouncementsofficially attach to service in the Roman army, and what were soldiers officially

been an equestrian officer. The poetical language with its many allusions to Homer andHesiod makes it nearly impossible to decide the issue.2e r\,av 'g'Jlaooev &,tayra.'A whole people': R. Haensch (2009: p.215). .The entirearmy': M.P. Speidel (2005a: p.84).'o \. Eck (2010a: p.605 with n. 25). The earliest attested use of the term miles Christi(otporrr4 Xproto'lr'oo) is 2 Timothy 2, 3f.'r That is not to negate or belittle the many known misdeeds of Roman soldiers andofficers, or to advocate a 'kinder, gentler army', cf. M.A. Speidel (2009: p.496f),M.A. Speidel (2oll: p.2l3ff.), but even 3'd c. christians are said ro have prayed for thewelfare of the Roman Empire and of its soldiers: Tert., Apol. 30,4. Cypr., Ad Demetr.20. Arnob., Ada. Nat. 4,36. Cf. also M.A. Speidel (2010: p.150).t' M.A. Speidel (2009: p.3fr.). The importance of military diplomas as a remembranceis perhaps also betrayed by the significantly higher'survival rare' of tabellae 1, with their^^ full text of the imperial constitution and the name of the recipient in elegant script.'3 M.P. Speidel (1994: no. 596).'a Paneg. Lat.9,3,9. ll(3),3,9. Cf. G. Alfldy (1987: p. lf.).M.,{. Speidel (2009:p.537f.). M.A. Speidel (201r: p.2l8f.).

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told to be fighting (and risking their lives) for? Horace, for one, declared in theAugustan age that dying for the fatherland in a foreign war was sweet andglorious.35 No doubt, the Roman soldiers' self-image and collective behaviourwas) to a great extent, determined by whether or not they had reason to believethat their service was for a necessary, just and legitimate cause, which was setwithin a traditional system of values and that was supported by, and in theinterest of, the vast majority of society. The official justification of military servicewas also essential to the definition of the army's performance and its relation tosociety, as it sheds light on the range of what could be presented, to soldiers andcivilians, as legitimate military action, both within and beyond the confines of theEmpire.

Curiously, perhaps, the reasons which Roman soldiers were officially givento hght and to die have received little scholarly attention. Rather, there appearsto be a wide-spread consensus that the soldies of the imperial army wereexpected to be, and considered themselves to be, exclusively in the emperor'sservice.36 Thus, Augustus speaking of milites mei, classis mea er of exercitus meus inhis res gestae is often quoted to illusuate the monarch's appropriation of theRoman army.3t Similarly, Tacitus described the legions that had fought underTiberius in Germany as the emperor's 'very own recruits, his very ownveterans'.38 It is, of course, evident (and well-known) that the relation betweenemperor and soldiers (and the language used when referring to this relation inofhcial proclamations) was an issue of crucial political importance and concern.Yet, it ought to be remembered that, on the one hand, Cicero, while governor ofCilicia, also repeatedly referred to the army under his command as exercitusmeus,'n whereas, on the other hand, even after I I January 29 BC we still hear oflegiones populi Romani Quiritium, as in the acts of the ludi saeculares from l7 BC,aoor of the exercitus populi Romani, as }:^e mbula Siarensis from AD 19, for instance,repeatedly calls it.ar Indeed, die term exercitus populi Romani was in usethroughout the first three centuries AD.a2

Obviously, the reality of power had profoundly changed over rhe decadesthat witnessed the Triumvirates, Caesar's dictatorship, Augustus' principate andso many years of civil wars. Flowever, we must also accept that the new imperialsystem did not abolish the terminology of the traditional military doctrine, whicht5 Hor,, Carm. 3,211-16.'u Cf. e.g. L. \ickert (1954 p.2000ff.). J.B. Campbell (1984: p.7.34.302). G. Alfldy(1987: p.23). J. Stker (2003: p.294. 297). O. Hekster (2007: p.91). K. Ruffing, 2010.See M.A. Speidel (2010: p.141 n. l8) with turther bibliography.t1 RGDA 15.26. 30. Cf. also CIL IV 1408 = ILS I l4l: ... exercitus Imp(eratoris) I SeaeriP Perrinacis Aug(usti) et M(arci) I Aureli Antonini Aug(ust) ...'8 Tac., Ann. lr42: ipsius tirones, ipsius aeteranos ...tn Cic., Deiot.39. Cc., Fam. 15,2.no cIL vr 32323 = ILS 5050 = AE 2002, 192.n' AE 1984, 508 = AE 1999,891 etc. Cf. also Dio 57,2,3.o' cIL,M,tO22. AE 1919,60. CILXIV430l and4303.

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held that Roman soldiers fought for Rome and its state.43 Thus, Roman jurists ofthe first three centuries AD insisted that military service was rei ublicae causarnnand inscriptions, both ofhcial and private, state that officers and soldiers of theRoman army fought and died ro re publica,a5 which, of course, was not the'Roman Republic' but the 'Roman state'.46 Pliny the Elder described the ruler'srole within this setting: according to the introduction to his Irzralis Historia,Titus, as Vespasian's coregent, held military commands pro re public.n? This wasindeed the off,rcial interpretation of the soldiers' mission in the new politicalsystem as, for instance, propagated by the senatus consuhum de Cn. Pisone pate n20 AD. For according ro rhis text, soldiers under ttre imperium and the ausiciumof the princeps were always to remain loyal to the domus Augusta, because thewelfare of the Empire (salus imperi nostn) was founded on rhat House.as Thisnotion, universally established, it seems, in the early days of Augustus' sole rule,displays the ambivalence of the Roman soldier's political situation. His missionwas dedicated to the welfare of the Empire, but his loyalty was ro be to theEmperor, as the ruler would know best what needed to be done in order toguarantee he salus impeni. The military oal.' (sacramentum) of the late Romanperiod, as paraphrased by Vegetius, contained precisely tlre same two obligations:to obey the Emperor and not to refuse to die for fhe'Romna res publica'.ae It hasbeen said, that such patriotic language was an attempt to preserve the fiction thatat On the subject in general see M.A. Speidel (2010).n.n Dig. 4,6,7. 4,6,35,9. 4,6,45. Cf. also Dig. 4,6,34,pr. 4,6,40,pr. 4,6,41 . 4,35,4. 49,16,1.n' ILGR 158 = AE 1992, t534 = AE 1999, t448 = AE 2002, 1297 (Actium, zd n:

armatam statuam [poniJ I in foro dizti Traiani pecunia publica cen[suitJ. Speidel 1994,no. 75 (Rome,3'd c. AD): [--Jmo centuroni ex[ercitaiori ( ---j I - pro re pJublicatc. Cf. also ILS 140 (Decretum Pisanum aherum) : (...) oolneribus pro re I(...).AE 1984,508 = AE 1999, B9l (Tabula Siarensis): (...) ob remm obisset (.. .) .'u E..Judee (1974). F. Millar (2002: p.263-270).8. Levick (2010: p.76). Cf. also the3'd and 4'h c. imperial epithet bono rei publicae natus, ot the inscripton on the arch ofSeptimius Severus in Rom (lLS 425): (For septimius Severus, caracalla and Geta ...)ob rem publicam resttutam imperiumque populi'Romani propagatum I insignibus airtutibus

eretuo raestaturos, cum scirent salutem imperi nostri in eius domu


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the army was, in principle, the army of the Roman people.5o If so, it was apowerful fltction, upheld and believed by many, as it would appear, for centuries.There is no need, therefore, to generally deny the Roman soldiers a sense ofimperial patriotism, and to characterize them merely as mercenaries loyal to theEmperor alone, as, implicitly or explicitly, has so often been done.5rYet, what if doubt arose, what if an emperor was seen or said to

consistently be acting to the detriment of the State? Would such a doctrine notjustifu mutiny? Perhaps even call for an uprising against the tyrant? \e mightrecall that civil wars were also fought pro re publica.tt Of course, no one wouldhave doubted that the soldiers' political loyalty was to the emperor first. Butaccepting that the Roman soldier was conscious of his obligation towards theRomana res publica might add to our understanding of the collective behaviour ofsoldiers during civil wars and usurpations:53 more often than has so far beenadmitted, soldiers may have been led to truly believe that their actions (howevercruel) were justified and, perhaps, necessary. To some extent, therefore, thisnotion might include a balancing aspect to the grim image Tacitus, for instance,propagated of the selfish, bloodthirsty and ruthless military men from theuncivilized frontiers. At the same time it may lend credence to reports of soldierswho were unwilling or hesitant to engage in civil war, such as those in Dalmatiain 42, or those in the armies of Otho and Vitellius in 69,54 or to the story of thosetwo legions on the Rhine which, after their mutiny against Galba in 69 AD (i.e.after one century of monarchic rule), swore an oath to the Senate and the Peopleof Rome.55 If so, we must also re-examine their relations with their commanders(cf. below).

Yet under normal circumstances, such political matters were hardlyforemost on a Roman soldier's mind. Particularly during the long periods of thef,rrst two centuries AD in which the army's loyalty was undisputed, soldiers willhave been preoccupied with other outlooks. Perhaps the most explicitformulation by a Roman soldier of what he expected from service in the army canbe found in a well-known inscription from Aquae Flavianae in North AfricanNumidia.56

'o .8. Campbell (1984: p.25).5' On the subject cf. M.A. Speidel (2010: p.l4ltr). App., BC 5,L7.ILGR 158. IRT 537. Cf. also zuC II'z Ll53ff.5' For a valuable overview see now A.R. Birley (2007 a). Cf. also K. Ruffing (20 10).54 42 AD: Dio 60,15,3. Stet., Claud. 13,2. 69 AD: Tac., Hist. 2,37 (Tacitus simplydisbelieved the authenticity of the occurrences).55 Tac., Hist. 1156.56 BCTH, 1928129, p. 94, n 2 = AE 1928,37 = IDRE II 456 (El Flammam / AquaeFlavianae, Numidia). Cf. J.'. Zarker (1958: no. 25). A. Balland (1976). M. I-e Glay(1983: p.47). K. Dunbabin (1989: p.l6). D. Pikhaus (1993: p.l36ff.). F. Diez deVelasco (1998: p.85f.). St. Busch (1999: p.284f.). J.N. Adams (1999: p.127). Y. LeBohec (20023: p.256).182

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[OJptavi Dacos tenere caesos, tenui.[OptJaai in sella pacis residere, sedi.[OJptaai clros sequi triumphos, factum.Optaai pnmi commoda plena pili, hab[uiJOptaui nudas aidere nymphas, aidi.The five lines of the text might be translated as follows

I wanted to hold slain Daci, I held them.I wanted to reside on a magistrate's chair of peace, I sat there.I wanted to march along in glorious Triumphs, I did.I wanted to receive the full financial rewards of a primus pilus,IhaveI wanted to see the naked Nymphs, I saw them.No need to say that this soldier was proud of his accomplishments. He

apparently also expected the reader to admire his success in life (as well as hiseducation which allowed him to compose a text of such rhetorical structure andrhythmical alignment). Translated into abstract categories, the text covers a widerange of expectations and experiences related to a successful military service. Theauthor was clearly pleased to have had the opportunity to partake in a major warand to contribute to a victory over Rome's enemies on a far-away frontier. Hewas proud to tell of his professional skills as a warrior,5T and he rejoiced in havingreceived public recognition of his brave deeds through the rare honour ofmarching along in 'glorious triumphs'.58 His military career took him to thepinnacle of the legionary hierarchy. This was the fulfilment of every soldier'sdream - and of his mother's, if we are to believe Artemidoros, not least becauseit would make a soldier very wealthy.5q The author of the inscription nicelyconhrms the point. The term he used to describe his financial rewards iscommoda, which appears to specifically relate to the cash rewards that werehanded out upon honourable discharge.60 Perhaps none of these aspects isparticularly surprising, but the reference to the chair of peace, the sella pacis, isindeed remarkable. Its position in the second line of the text clearly identifies itas a part of the author's military service. Most likely, therefore, theresponsibilities of, perhaps, a iudex datus were meant, or of a centurio regionariusor of some other important administrative activity. If so, this text reveals moreexplicitly than others that such administrative appointments were seen by soldierstt For images on soldiers' gravestones expressing the same notion cf. e.g.M. Schleiermacher (1984: nos. 83 and 98). F.IB 522.3185. M.P. Speidel (1984:l49ff.). M.P. Speidel (1994: no. 540). For the meaning and modest diffusion of suchimages see M.A. Speidel (2009: p.236).tt The number of soldiers known by their inscriptions to have taken part in a Triumph inRome is exceedingly small, evidently because only very few ever had the opportunity toqualifu. That gives particular weight to the plural triumphos in the inscription fromAquae FlavianaeJ as it may indicate that the author had indeed participated in morethan one Triumph. For a similar case see ILS 2665.t' Artem. Dald., On.2,20.uo M.P. Speidel (1992: p.363-368). For the amounts M.A. Speidel (2009: p.373f. 408f.4t5f.).

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as a source of great pride, evidently worth mentioning in the same breath asachievements on the battle field.6r

The last line may relate to a specific event from after the author'shonourable discharge. His reference to naked nymphs has caused muchexcitement among the modern commentators of this inscription. It is plain thatour soldier was delighted at the sight. But it also raises another point: the role ofwomen in Roman military society. Libanios deplored that Roman soldiers of thelater fourth century were preoccupied only with money and with their desire tomarry and to raise children. This, he declared, had led ro a loss of militaryefficiency, whereas in the good old days officers and soldiers strived for glory, notcash, were brave specialists in warfare and remained unmarried.2 In theaftermath of Adrianopolis, Libanios evidently glorihed an ideal image of theRoman soldier of the past. But not only had money always been a very importantattraction of professional service in the Roman army. Libanios' verdict on thesoldiers' desire to marry and to have children as typical of his own time is alsowrong. \Women and children followed the Roman imperial armies since the daysof Augustus, and soldiers, throughout the first three centuries, very often formedfamily unions.63

Legitimate Roman marriage, matrimonium iustum, was) as is well-known, adifferent matter. It was a characteristic trit of Roman professional militaryservice that soldiers were prohibited legitimate marriage.6a Because of the seriouslegal consequences this entailed, it was obviously a very unpopular restriction.This is not the occasion to explore this complex issue in detail.65 Nevertheless, anew diploma from 206 AD deserves to be mentioned, for this document quiteclearly disproves the generally held belief that Septimius Severus granted allsoldiers the right to contract legal marriages.66 Frence, we will need to rethink thescope and the consequences both of the Claudian and of the Severan decrees onsoldiers' marriages. In particular, it seems, we may have to take Herodian'sstatement literally that Severus allowed the soldiers 'to live together with theirwives'.67 The emperor may simply have allowed his'married'soldiers to liveoutside the fortresses. If so, this may have contributed to a number ofphenomena that are generally associared with a decline of military discipline.6sFear for their endangered families) for instance, is repeatedly reported to haveur Cf. also, although for lower-ranking fficiales, R. Haensch (2010a).ut Lib., or.2,39-40.u' Cf. e.g. M.A. Speidel (2009:p.526ff.).ua Most clearly expressed in M.Chr.372 = BGU I ll4, recro col. I9 - 13 (cf. BLVIII226). Cf. S.E. Phang (2001: l3ff.).I7eiss (2008: p.30-37).ut I hope to return to the matter soon elsewhere.uu 'w. Eck (2ol l).u7 Herod. 3,8,5. Not a permission for legal marriage: Mommsen, CIL III 2}llff.P. Garnsey (1970). Cf. the discussions by S.E. Phang (2001:p.l7ff.) and M. Handy

(2009: p.2l2ff.) with further literature.u8 Thus Herod. 3,8,5.184

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caused 3'd c. soldiers to mutiny.6e Another possibly related phenomenon may bethe popular choice by third century soldiers of images for their gravestones thatshowed them, wearing only belted tunics and cloaks, in the company of theirwives and children.To But were these truly signs of a changing attitude towardsmilitary service? Perhaps. But we should also remember that Tacitus alreadydeplored the attachment of first century soldiers to their garrison places, as wellas their peaceful and unarmed appearance in the provinces, declaring this to be asign of shameful indiscipline.tl FIe may have been repeating a topos rather thandescribing reality, as Everett Wheeler has convincingly argued,t2 but it wasprobably also an expression of this Roman senator's personal disapproval ofsoldiers appearing to much like civilians. Inter aganos miles conuptior fhehistorian exclaimed.T3 Yet what is more, in Tacitus' eyes the soldiers of theRoman imperial army were an undisciplined lot even as warriors. In an army ,he wrote, which included such varieties of language and customs, an armycomprising Roman citizens, allies, and foreigners, there was every kind of lust,each man had a law of his own, and nothing was forbidden .Ta These armies, headds, had a 'passion for war' (belli amor), and were easily driven even to civil warby a 'wrath from heaven' (deum ira), 'human madness' (hominum rabies), and'incentives to crime' (scelerum causae).'5

Throughout t}l'e Histories and the Annals, Tacitus describes the soldiers ofthe Roman army as a sorry species, with no regard for men of honour and age.Of course, such statements were part of a political discourse in a world, in whichsoldiers often competed with Senators for real political power (or rather:influence over the emperor). Only when exposed to the stern leadership of high-ranking aristocratic generals who embodied traditional moral values, such asGermanicus, Agricola or Domitius Corbulo, would, in Tacitus' judgement,discipline and glory return to the Roman soldier. But one might wonder howsuch aristocratic attitudes shaped the relationship between soldiers and theirsenatorial commanders in the provinces. Tacitus almost certainly held such acommand at some stage in his career.76 Did he let the soldiers know how muchhe despised their sort? Cassius Dio, another historian with little regard for thesoldiers' hopes, expectations and wishes made himself extremely unpopular withthe army, because he had 'ruled the soldiers in Pannonia with a hrm hand'.7? Theissue originated, on the evidence, not frm battle but from routine dealings.?86e M.A. Speidel (2009: p.544).7o M.A. Speidel (2009:p237). Cf. alsoJ. Edmondson (2008).tt Tac., Ann. 13135.' E.L. \Wheeler (1996:p.229ff.). Tac., Hist. 1,53.'n Tac., Hist. 3,3315: utque exercitu aario knguis moibus, cui cioes soc externi interessent,diuersae cupidines et aliud cuique fas nec quicquam inlicitum.tt Tac., Hist. 2,37-38. For a very different view of the Roman army see Ael. Arist., Or.Rom.74-78.76 See A.R. Birley (2000: p.237f.). Dio 80,4,2. Cf. also 49,36,2-4. Cf. e.g. F. Miltar (L964:p.26). A. Mcsy (1962:p.564f.).

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Dunbabin, K. (1989) : < Baiantm Grata voluprs. Pleasures and Dangers of theBarhs ,r, PB.SR 64, p. 7 -49 . Handy, M. (2009) : Die Sez;erer und das Heer, Berlin.Eck, \W., Caballos,4., Fernndez,F. (1996) : Das senatus consuhum de Cn. pisone

ae, ll4.vnicla. Flekster, O. (2007) : , ZPE


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Being a Soldier in the Roman Imperial Army