L'Essor de la littérature latine au XIIe siècle by Joseph De Ghellinck; Le Mouvementthéologique du XIIe siècle. Sa préparation lointaine, avant et autour de Pierre Lombard, sesrapports avec les initiatives des Canonistes. Etudes, recherches et documentsReview by: George SartonIsis, Vol. 41, No. 2 (Jul., 1950), pp. 204-205Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of The History of Science SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/227195 .

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204 Reviews

long distance we may call it, according to our mood, either the "decadence and fall of ancient Rome" or the gestation of a new culture.

There is a certain poignancy in a book like this one, because our own time is unmistakably a time of transition, of decadence and gestation, and we cannot know to what our painful travail may be leading.

The reader of Marrou's well-documented book will enjoy the clearness and firmness of its argument, and will find in it many interest- ing digressions concerning the early differentia- tion of the liberal arts from Heraclides of Pontos (IV-2 B. C.) to Lactantius (beg. of IV), the Roman idea of culture, the difference between scientia and sapientia in Augustine, etc. The book is pleasant to read and rewarding; its fur- ther usefulness is assured by excellent indices.

GEORGE SARTON

JOSEPH DE GHELLINCK (S.J.): L'Essor de la litterature latine au XIIe siecle. 2 vols. (Museum Lessianum, Section historique, nos. 4-5). Bruges: De Tempel, I946.

: Le Mouvement the'ologiqute du XJIe sie'cle. Sa prdparation lointaine, avant et autour de Pierre Lombard, ses rapports avec les initiatives des Canonistes. Etudes, recherches et documents. Deuxieme edition considerablement augmentee. xvi + 594 pp. (Museum Lessianum, Section historique n? io). Bruges: De Tempel, I948.

Some fifteen years ago Father de Ghellinck undertook to prepare for a popular collection of booklets1 a history of mediaeval latin liter- ature. Two volumes appeared in 1939 outlining that story from Boetius to St Anselm. In the meanwhile, he had begun the preparation of the third volume which would extend to the Renaissance. The materials accumulated by him were so abundant, however, and concerned him so deeply that he gave up that undertaking and, instead, published in 1946 two volumes dealing exclusively with the twelfth century.

These two volumes begin with a general in- troduction explaining the twelfth century back- ground and discussing the bibliographical means available; they are divided into six chapters. I. The schoolmasters: Theology, philosophy, law. II. Around the schools: Friends and ad- versaries of the schools, popularizers, liaison officers. III. The monastic and secular group. IV. Didactic literature: Dictionaries, transla- tions, schoolbooks. IV. History and hagiog- raphy. V. Poets and versifiers.

Considering the author's deep interest in the Latin mediaeval heritage and in theology, it is not surprising that he got stuck in the twelfth century, for that century witnessed an astound- ing renaissance. The Latin West was finally re- covering from all the vicissitudes which had accompanied and followed the invasions of the

1 Bibliotheque catholique des sciences religieuses, published by Bloud & Gay, Paris.

Barbarians, of the Norsemen and the Saracens, the incessant feudal tumults, etc. It was an autochthonic revival which would make pos- sible the blossoming of the thirteenth century. That blossoming was largely due to foreign in- fluences, Aristotelianism and Arabism, but those influences would have remained vain if the Latin WTest had not been fully prepared to receive them. Come to think of it, the main causes of any renaissance are always internal, just as the main causes of a man's success are within him- self and not outside. Domestic plants may be fertilized by foreign ones, but they derive their sustenance from the native soil and the native air. It is very remarkable and impressive that at the very time when Aristotelianism was pre- paring its final invasion of the West and when Ibn Rushd and Maimonides were harmonizing it with Muslim and Jewish doctrines, the schol- ars of the Latin West were making their own preparations for the reception of the new knowl- edge and developing their minds for the gigantic task ahead of them.

Twenty years ago the late Charles Homer Haskins published a book entitled The Renais- sance of the twelfth century (Harvard Univer- sity Press, I927; Isis io, 62-65), wherein all the elements of that renaissance were considered, yet the theological part was somewhat neglected. On the other hand, Father de Ghellinck, who is first and last a theologian, had been especially interested in that part and published as early as I914 the first (much smaller) edition of the book now under review. From the mediaeval point of view theology is the apex of education, the seven liberal arts are only a preparation for it,2 if one wants to understand mediaeval thought, it is thus natural enough to contem- plate it from that apex, half way between God and man. The revival of the twelfth century must then necessarily include a theological re- vival and it did so. The main personalities dis- cussed in Father de Ghellinck's book also occur in my Introduiction (vol. 2), but as I was deal- ing with the history of science, not of theology, I could not give them as much space nor as central a position as they would deserve if one considered the matter with mediaeval or even with Catholic prepossessions.

The central figure of Le nzouvement thdolo- gique is Peter the Lombard (more than one third of the book is given to him), and the first chapter is a kind of introduction explaining the development of theological thought from Bede the Venerable (VIII-i) to Anselm of Bec and Canterbury (XI-2).

Unexperienced readers may fail to understand how it was that the Quatuor libri sententiarum which Peter the Lombard completed in 1150-51 obtained the incredible success which that work finally obtained. After its excellence had been consecrated by the IV. Lateran Council (I2I5)

it was finally placed on the same level as the

2See interesting note ad hoc in Le motrvement thc'ologiqte (pp. 93-96).

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Reviews 205

Scriptures if not higher. I have discussed that in my Introduction (2, 382; 3, 79-81). The success of the Sententiae was due, as every great success is, to a combination of internal and external causes. The first was Peter's gift of synthesis, combined with moderation, compre- hensiveness, lack of disturbing originality, im- personality, sincere humbleness. In the preface to his book he compared it to the widow's mite, and when St Thomas introduced Peter and Gratian to Dante in Paradise (X, Io6-8) he re- ferred to that.

Quel Pietro fu che con la poverella Offerse a Santa Chiesa suo tesoro

In short, the Sententiae had all the qualities needed for their purpose and none of those which would have created jealousies and hostil- ities. On the other hand, it was but the climax of a long evolution which may be said to have been initiated by two Italians, St Augustine (V-i) and Cassiodorus (VI-i), continued in the seventh century by three Spaniards, San Isidoro of Sevilla (VII-i), San Julian of Toledo and Tajon of Zaragoza, then in the eighth century by two Englishmen, Bede of Jarrow (VIII-i) and Alcuin of York (VIII-2), and in the ninth century by two Germans, Hrabanus Maurus of Mainz (IX-i) and Walafrid Strabo of Swabia (IX-I). Note that in four successive centuries the work was done by four different shifts, Italian, Spanish, English, German.

Coming closer to Peter the Lombard we find that the immediate influences to which he was submitted were equally varied. There was first the work done by the school of Laon under the leadership of Anselm of Laon, then the popular teaching of Peter Abaelard (XII-I). In spite of his double condemnation in II2I and II40, the latter is now rehabilitated and his merit as a logician fully recognized. The development of Western logic owes probably more to him than to Michael Psellos (XI-2), as was formerly be- lieved. Abaelard was provocative and maladroit, yet his merit and power were such that his many enemies could not restrain him, except St Bernard of Clairvaux (XII-I). Then, there were the school of Gilbert de la Porree (XII-I), that of Hugh of St Victor (XII-I), and the law school of Bologna. The Decretum of Gratian (XII-I) was already completed in II39. Finally, the dogmatic part of the Fountain of knowledge of St John Damascene (VIII-I) became avail- able to Peter the Lombard just in time, for Burgundio of Pisa (XII-2) translated the De fide orthodoxa in II5o. There are 26 quotations from it in the Sententiae. This Greek influence is particularly interesting, because it is intro- duced unexpectedly. In the following century, St John's fame was magnified by the increase of Aristotelianism, and his book obtained so much popularity that it was placed on the side of the Sententiae and its title and divisions were changed; various MSS speak of the Quatuor

libri sententiarum magistri lohannis Damasceni or of the Sententiae Damasceni.'

In short, the work of Peter the Lombard was as cosmopolitan in its composition as it was in its distant genesis; its success was universal in Western Christendom. By the middle of the fourteenth century the need of the Sententiae was so great in the schools that fifty copies of it were presented to the Sorbonne, and fifteen to the library of Merton College. The number of MSS and of early printed editions was very large (I9 incunabula, more than 6o sixteenth- century editions), and MSS and editions of commentaries are innumerable.4 The success of the Sententiae continued unabated until the be- ginning of the sixteenth century; from then on the Summa of St Thomas assumed more and more importance and drove it gradually into the background. In the second half of the twelfth century three personalities were dominating the Catholic world, two Lombards, Peter of Novara and Gratian of Bologna, and a Champenois, Peter Comestor of Troyes. Their popular fame is reflected by a curious legend which made of them three twin brothers! s

Chapter III deals with Gandolfo of Bologna who composed a book similar to that of Peter the Lombard; Gandolfo is posterior to Peter, but his work is not simply a summary of Peter's, it includes some novelties. Gandolfo enjoyed a certain amount of fame, but his fame was smaller and less permanent than Peter's and was finally eclipsed by the latter.

Chapters IV and V are devoted respectively to St John Damascene and his Western revival, and to Gratian. The author has added to each chapter appendices discussing special points with an abundance of detail. Some of them discuss the vicissitudes of terms such as theologia (p. gi) or auctoritas (p. 5II); one of the most interesting (p. 97-IO2) concerns the translation of Dionysios the Areopagite by Hilduin in the first half of the ninth century and by John Scot Erigena (IX-2).8

This short review is sufficient to indicate the richness of Father de Ghellinck's book. Being thoughtful of his brother scholars he has pro- vided very elaborate indexes, without which learned books are more tantalizing than useful. Students of the twelfth century will keep his book close at hand, and, if they be as grateful as they should, keep his memory in their hearts.

GEORGE SARTON

'See Le mouvement theologique (p. 6, 414-15). 4For the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries,

see my Introduction (vols. 2-3, passim). ' See pp. 213, 285 "matrem tergeminos hos

fratres ex furtivo concubitu conceptos uno partu cdidisse." According to one of the variants of that legend, their father was a priest or a bishop. Peter the Lombard and Gratian were men of about the same age but their contemporary Comestor was much younger.

'See my article on the tradition of Proclos' metaphysics apropos of the Greek edition by Eric Robinson Dobbs (I933; Isis 29, 423-28).

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