Des Exemples d'Épreuves Écrites Précédentes

7/25/2019 Des Exemples d'preuves crites Prcdentes

1/19

UNITED NATIONS NATIONS UNIES

Concours 2014 de recrutement de traducteurs/rdacteurs decomptes rendus analytiques de sance

PREMIRE PREUVEDure : DEUX HEURES ET DEMIE (2H30)

INSTRUCTIONS

Vous disposez de deux heures et demie pour cette preuve.

Traduisez en franais le texte ci-aprs. Votre traduction doit tre idiomatique, fluide,cohrente et grammaticalement correcte, et transmettre avec clart et prcision lidegnrale et les nuances de loriginal.

Il est impratif que le texte original soit intgralement traduit. Ne proposez pas desolutions multiples et ne laissez pas de blancs.

Veuillez crire lisiblement, au recto seulement de chaque page du fascicule de rponses,en double interligne et en laissant une marge gauche lintention du correcteur.

Vous pouvez utiliser le verso des pages comme brouillon. Rien de ce que vous y crivezne sera pris en considration; veillez donc mettre au propre lensemble de votretraduction et abstenez-vous de tout renvoi au brouillon, dont il ne sera pas tenu compte la correction.

NOUVREZ PAS LE PR SENT FASCICULE AVANT DY TRE INVIT


2/19


3/19

Texte gnral

Syria began its descent into civil war this month three years ago and there remains very little wecan do to end the fighting. But the fact that we cannot stop the conflict does not absolve us ofresponsibility for responding to the worsening refugee crisis that now threatens to destabilize

Syrias neighbors and the region as a whole.

Containing the spillover is especially important in Jordan, which is now home to approximately600,000 Syrian refugees -- the equivalent of almost ten percent of Jordans population.

The plight of these Syrians is already a serious humanitarian concern, as made clear in manydetailed reports about refugees at Zaatari, the main UN-administered refugee camp for Syrians inJordan. But the refugee crisis also represents a looming disaster for the Jordanian government,since about 80 percent of the Syrian refugees in Jordan live outside of the camps, choosing

instead to reside among Jordanians, especially in poor towns close to the border with Syria.Indeed, the population of Jordans northern province has more than doubled since the outbreak offighting in Syria, with Syrians now vastly outnumbering their Jordanian neighbors.

Jordans government is already struggling to meet the refugees needs. In Mafraq, a small,impoverished city ten miles south of the Syrian border, trash is piled at intersections and excesssewage water trickles down the walkway. The local public school has become so overcrowdedthat it holds lessons in two shifts, morning and afternoon. The influx of refugees has meant anincreased demand for housing that, when combined with the influence of rent subsidies providedto Syrian refugees by nonprofit groups, has caused rents to double. As a result, some Jordanians

have been forced from their homes. The nearby hospital, which offers free services to Syrianrefugees, is similarly strained.

The refugee crisis has exacerbated many of Jordans preexisting problems. The countrys socialwelfare system was in disrepair even before the arrival of Syrians. Indeed, the publics frustrationwith health, education, and sanitation services -- as well as the countrys generally weak economy-- exploded in a series of protests and riots across the country in 2012, triggered by thegovernments decision to cut fuel subsidies.

The situation has caused steadily increasing tensions within the Jordanian host community.Jordanians routinely and vociferously complain that their government -- and the internationalcommunity -- is helping Syrian refugees at the expense of their own struggling citizens. Thiswidespread frustration has not yet caused significant violence, but a number of minor incidentsmay foreshadow more serious problems.


4/19



TROISIME PREUVE

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5/19

INSTRUCTIONS

Traduisez en franais un texte au choix parmi les quatre textes de troisime langue(arabe, chinois, espagnol, russe) ou les deux textes spcialiss (juridique ou financier) proposs. ATTENTION : POUR CETTE EPREUVE, SEULS PEUVENT CHOISIR UNDES TEXTES SPECIALISES LES CANDIDATS SPCIALISS EN DROIT OU ENCOMPTABILIT/FINANCES QUI REMPLISSENT LES CONDITIONS REQUISES,nonces dans lavis de concours et reproduites ci-aprs (voir pages suivantes).

Vous disposez dune heure et demie pour la prsente preuve.

Votre traduction doit tre idiomatique, fluide, cohrente et grammaticalement correcte, ettransmettre avec clart et prcision lide gnrale et les nuances de loriginal.





6/19

Traducteurs spcialiss en droit :

Si vous tes titulaire dundiplme de droit ou avez acquiscinq annes dexprience dela traduction de textes juridiques dans une organisation internationale,et que vous

NE JUSTIFIEZ PAS DUNE TROISIEME LANGUE, vous DEVEZ traduire le texte juridique.

Si vous tes titulaire dundiplme de droit ou avez acquiscinq annes dexprience dela traduction de textes juridiques dans une organisation internationale,et que vousJUSTIFIEZ DUNE TROISIEME LANGUE, vous pouvez choisir de traduire le texte propos dans cette langue OU le texte juridique. ATTENTION : SI VOUS CHOISISSEZLE TEXTE JURIDIQUE POUR CETTE PREUVE, VOUS DEVREZOBLIGATOIREMENT LE CHOISIR AUSSI POUR LA QUATRIME PREUVE(TEXTE SPCIALIS).

Traducteurs spcialiss en comptabilit ou gestion financire :Si vous tes titulaire dundiplme de comptabilit ou de gestion financire ou avezacquiscinq annes dexprience de la traduction de textes comptables ou financiers dans une organisation internationale, et que vous NE JUSTIFIEZ PAS DUNETROISIEME LANGUE, vous DEVEZ traduire le texte financier.

Si vous tes titulaire dundiplme de comptabilit ou de gestion financire ou avezacquiscinq annes dexprience de la traduction de textes comptables ou financiers dans une organisation internationale, et que vous JUSITIEZ DUNE TROISIEMELANGUE, vous pouvez choisir de traduire le texte propos dans cette langue OU le textefinancier. ATTENTION : SI VOUS CHOISISSEZ LE TEXTE FINANCIER POURCETTE PREUVE, VOUS DEVREZ OBLIGATOIREMENT LE CHOISIR AUSSIPOUR LA QUATRIME PREUVE (TEXTE SPCIALIS).

NE TOURNEZ PAS LA PAGE AVANT DY ETRE INVITE


7/19

Texte arabe

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8/19

Texte chinois

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9/19

Texte espagnol

Me gustan las fbricas abandonadas, las casas en demolicin, los solares vacos que algnda albergaron algo. Me imagino que en esos lugares hubo personas que fueron felices,

que soaron con el futuro, que tuvieron la esperanza de una vida mejor. Y creo que pervive en esas ruinas el espritu de sus antiguos moradores, flotando como un fantasma.

Yo viv en el verano de 1975 en una mansin abandonada en Littau, una localidad cercade Lucerna. El edificio estaba a punto de ser derribado, pero el dueo me alquil duranteun par de meses un enorme piso que todava tena luz y agua. Estaba junto a un frondoso bosque y poda ver desde las ventanas a las ardillas saltando por las ramas de los rboles.

Cuando suba las escaleras me imaginaba las familias que haban estado all durantedcadas. Algunos pisos se hallaban todava amueblados. Y las luces que se reflejaban enlas ventanas por la noche daban la impresin de que el edificio estaba vivo. Elapartamento tena una gigantesca cama en una habitacin interior, pero yo preferadormir en un colchn junto a una cristalera que daba al bosque y por la que medespertaba la luz del amanecer.

Como la arena que se desliza en un reloj, nuestro destino es ir perdiendo todo lo quehemos amado, aquello que ha significado algo alguna vez. Pero como dice Woodsworth,

el esplendor de la hierba subsiste en nuestro recuerdo aunque las flores se marchiten.

Soy consciente de que he entrado en una fase en la que el pasado pesa ms sobre mi vidaque el presente. Pero no me importa porque siento un creciente desapego hacia unentorno que ha dejado de interesarme. Los fastos de los ltimos das me han parecidosencillamente un cuento de hadas, como las pelculas de Siss que vea en el cine parroquial cuando era nio. Teniendo en cuenta lo que ofrece la actualidad, me vuelvo aese pasado que puedo recrear en mi imaginacin con sus infinitos matices.


10/19

Texte russe

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11/19

Texte juridique

Under the so-called act of state doctrine, the acts of a state, carried out within its ownterritory, cannot be challenged in the courts of other states (not even if the acts arecontrary to international law, according to the most extreme version of the doctrine). The

doctrine overlaps with private international law, and there have been cases in whichEnglish courts have applied the doctrine and private international law as alternativegrounds for their decision, with the result that private international law and the act ofstate doctrine are sometimes confused with one another. But there is a difference; the actof state doctrine is wider than private international law, because it covers acts performed by a foreign state within its own territory which are contrary to its own law; but thedoctrine is also much narrower than private international law, because it only covers actsof a state and not, for instance, a sale of goods between two private individuals.

Opinions differ as to whether the act of state doctrine is a rule of public international law.The disagreement is probably caused by a failure to perceive that the doctrine really

covers two very different types of situation:The first situation is where an individual is sued or prosecuted in the courts of one statefor acts which he performed as a servant or agent of another state. In this situation the actof state doctrine is a sort of corollary to the principle of sovereign immunity, and is anestablished rule of international law.

The second situation is where a state expropriates property situated within its territoryand sells it to a private individual, who is then sued by the original owner in the courts ofanother state. Different considerations apply here; the purchaser is not forced to buy the property in the same way that a servant or agent is forced to carry out the orders of thestate. Many of the cases applying the act of state doctrine in this situation are American,and the leading American case regards the doctrine, not as a rule of public internationallaw, but as a rule of American constitutional law, derived from the principle of theseparation of powers.


12/19

Texte financier

Growth in a number of emerging markets decelerated during 2013. Weak demand forcommodities and raw materials due to subdued economic growth and limited investment

activity in mature markets and in mainland China affected all exporting countries.Emerging markets continued to face the risks of fiscal decline and increasing financingrequirements. In addition, capital flows were volatile, particularly during the second halfof the year, and in several cases led to a tightening of monetary policy to counter capitaloutflows. Any consequent rise in interest rates, however, could put growth at risk andincrease the risk of a liquidity crisis.

Mature economies are depending on stronger trade growth with emerging markets to helpthem through difficult economic times domestically. A number of them haveimplemented austerity measures in order to reduce their deficits and public debt. Whileausterity is expected to help resolve the sovereign and banking crisis in the medium term,

it is limiting growth, increasing unemployment and restricting taxation revenues severelyin the short term. This, in turn, is affecting the rest of the world through lower trade.While growth in emerging markets as a whole has been constrained by lower worlddemand and commodity prices, some countries are struggling with domestic issues andcould trigger a new crisis of confidence with the potential for increased volatility.

Our operations are exposed to risks arising from political instability and civil unrest in anumber of countries which may have a wider effect on regional stability and regional andglobal economies. Our results are subject to the risk of loss from unfavourable politicaldevelopments, currency fluctuations, social instability and changes in government policies. Actual conflict could put our staff in harms way and bring physical damage toour assets.

We have increased our monitoring of the geopolitical and economic outlook, in particularin countries where we have material exposures and a physical presence. Our internalcredit risk rating of sovereign counterparties takes these factors into account and drivesour appetite for conducting business in those countries. Where necessary, we adjust ourcountry limits and exposures to reflect our appetite and mitigate these risks asappropriate.


13/19



QUATRIME PREUVE

Dure : UNE HEURE ET DEMIE (1H30)______________________________________________________

INSTRUCTIONS

Traduisez en franais un texte au choix parmi les cinq textes suivants (conomique, politique, juridique, social ou financier). Vous disposez dune heure et demie.

Les candidats qui ont choisi le texte juridique pour la troisime preuve doiventIMPERATIVEMENT traduire le texte juridique propos pour la prsente preuve.

Les candidats qui ont choisi le textefinancier pour la troisime preuve doiventIMPRATIVEMENT traduire le texte financier propos pour la prsente preuve.

Veuillez prsenter la traduction en indiquant le texte choisi (par exemple, texteconomique, texte juridique, etc.)




NOUVREZ PAS LE PRSENT FASCICULE AVANT DY TRE INVIT


14/19


15/19

Texte conomique

Given how central gross domestic product (GDP) has become to economics, it is strikingto discover just how recently it was invented. GDP measures the goods and services produced by a single country. Governments adopt policies designed to maximize GDP by

boosting their countries output. Indeed, GDP has effectively become a proxy for nationalsuccess or failure. It has the power to decide elections, overthrow governments, andlaunch popular movements. A GDP that is growing in sync with expectations canenhance a countrys reputation and thus its strength and power. A GDP that is contractingor failing to meet expectations, on the other hand, can lead to disaster. Yet a hundredyears ago, the concept of GDP did not exist; history unfolded without it.

GDPs origins lie in the 1930s, when economists and policymakers in the United Statesand the United Kingdom struggled to understand and respond to the Great Depression.The onset of World War II solidified the metrics standing, as the Allies tried to keep tabson the wars effect on their economies. It is not terribly surprising that economists and

policymakers came to favor a statistical technique that helped the United States survive adepression and win a war. But not even the economists who invented this metricimagined that GDP would become so central to every state in the world within a fewshort decades.

In the United States, much of the credit for developing the concept of GDP goes to theeconomist Simon Kuznets, who would later win the Nobel Prize for his work in craftingnational accounts, comprehensive recordings of a countrys income, spending, finances,and assets. Kuznets was an early proponent of economics as a science grounded informulas and rigorous testing. He was prompted by policymakers who needed to figureout whether any New Deal policies were doing any good. Without any baseline sense ofwhat the country was producing, it was impossible to know whether any of thegovernments innovative and controversial New Deal measures were actually helping boost output or employment.


16/19

Texte politique

As a new wave of violent conflicts has ravaged Africa, borders and conventional peace processes have done little to contain them. These conflicts are not new, but they havenever been more linked than they are today. In most cases, criminal networks orneighboring governments have empowered armed groups to seek control of some of theworlds weakest states. Yet traditional peacemaking efforts have consistently failed tograpple with that reality. Outside mediators have focused almost exclusively on the most powerful military actors.

In Sudan, multiple subnational peace negotiations between the Khartoum governmentand rebel groups have compartmentalized regional conflicts in the Abyei area, the Blue Nile, Darfur and eastern Sudan. Yet combatants in these areas harbor similar grievances

that should be addressed in a single comprehensive peace process. In South Sudan, UNdiplomats never addressed widening rifts within the ruling political party after thecountry gained independence in 2011. As a result, when disputes among senior politicians boiled over, the South Sudanese army splintered along ethnic lines in thecapital last December, leading to ethnic violence and civil war almost overnight. InCongo, deal after deal has integrated a succession of warlords into the national army buthas never addressed any of the underlying causes of the violence there, including acorrupt army, a weak state, and the looting of the countrys natural resources.

Though rarely addressed in peace talks, armed non-state groups have as great a capacityfor destruction as do conventional forces, and just as much skin in the game. Such groups

rarely sit at negotiating tables, sometimes because they arent invited, and other times because they refuse. But there is little point in continuing with peace processes withoutstrategies to counter them, or engaging in talks that exclude civil society groups andcitizen advocates. It is similarly counterproductive to hold elections before meaningful political reforms have occurred, to pass sanctions if arms continue to flow freely across borders, to integrate human rights abusers into national armies without demobilizing theirsupporters, or to deploy expensive UN peacekeeping missions that have limitedmandates. Yet this is the norm in African conflict resolution today.


17/19

Texte social

Economic growth and more widespread education have not proved to be the silver bulletsonce expected to end the inequality of women in the world of work. Despite someadvances, women still consistently earn less than men, womens participation in the

workforce has stagnated at about 56 percent over the last two decades, and no country hasreached gender wage parity.

While reasons vary from region to region, there are some clear causes of stagnation.

In very poor countries, womens participation in the labor force may be quite high because they often have no choice, even though the work may be menial, difficult or poorly paid. But, as countries move up the income ladder, more girls stay in school, sotheyre not participating as much in the labor force.

An additional factor is the role of cultural and social norms. These can pose an array ofconstraints and barriers to womens participation in the workforce, even when women arewell educated and living in countries experiencing economic growth.

For example, there may be countries where its considered appropriate for girls to attendsecondary or even tertiary education, but the line is drawn at paid work.

Saudi Arabia, for example, has a large number of female university graduates but alsoone of the lowest rates of female participation in the labor force at about 18 percent. Inthe kingdom, although restrictions are loosening, women have been discouraged fromworking outside the home by a combination of cultural, social and religious norms,including those denying women the right to drive cars and barring them from mixing withunrelated men.

In many countries, the demands of domestic responsibilities, such as care of children andthe elderly, fall disproportionately on women and form another barrier to paid work.When women do work, their earnings often decline when they have children.

Other barriers to womens participation in the labor force include pressure to marry, theneed for spousal permission to work and laws that discriminate against women in termsof the ability to get credit, own land, conduct official transactions and even get an IDcard.


18/19

Texte juridique

Treaties are the maids of all work in international law. Very often they resemble

contracts in national systems of law, but they can also perform functions which innational systems would be carried out by Acts of Parliament, by conveyances, or by thememorandum of association of a company. In English law, Acts of Parliament areregarded as sources of law, but contracts are not; contracts are merely legal transactions.Some writers have tried to argue that treaties should be regarded as sources ofinternational law only if they resemble Acts of Parliament in content, that is, if theyimpose the same obligations on all the parties to the treaty and seek to regulate the parties behaviour over a long period of time; such treaties are called law-making treaties.According to this theory, contract-treaties, that is, treaties which resemble contracts arenot sources of law, but merely legal transactions. However, the analogy between Acts ofParliament and law-making treaties is misleading for two reasons.

(1) In national systems of law anyone can make a contract, but Acts ofParliament are passed by a small group of people. In international law, any state canenter into a treaty, including a law-making treaty.

(2) In national systems of law contracts create rights and duties only for thecontracting parties, who are very few in number, whereas Acts of Parliament apply to avery large number of people. In international law all treaties, including law-makingtreaties, apply only to states which agree to them. Normally the parties to a law-makingtreaty are more numerous than the parties to a contract-treaty.

The only distinction between a law-making treaty and a contract-treaty is one ofcontent. As a result, many treaties constitute borderline cases, which are hard to classify.A single treaty may contain some provisions which are contractual, and others whichare law-making. The distinction between law-making treaties and contract-treaties isnot entirely useless - for instance, a contract-treaty is more likely to be terminated bythe outbreak of war between the parties than a law-making treaty - but it is too slight andimprecise to justify regarding law-making treaties as the only treaties which are a sourceof international law. The better view is to regard all treaties as a source of law.


19/19

Texte financier

We regularly review investment securities for impairment using both qualitative andquantitative criteria. We presently do not intend to sell the vast majority of our debtsecurities that are in an unrealized loss position and believe that it is not more likely thannot that we will be required to sell these securities before recovery of our amortized cost.We believe that the unrealized loss associated with our equity securities will be recoveredwithin the foreseeable future.

Substantially all of our U.S. corporate debt securities are rated investment grade by themajor rating agencies. We evaluate U.S. corporate debt securities based on a variety of

factors, such as the financial health of and specific prospects for the issuer, includingwhether the issuer is in compliance with the terms and covenants of the security. In theevent a U.S. corporate debt security is deemed to be other-than-temporarily impaired, weisolate the credit portion of the impairment by comparing the present value of ourexpectation of cash flows to the amortized cost of the security. We discount the cashflows using the original effective interest rate of the security.

Our asset-backed securities portfolio is collateralized by senior secured loans of high-quality, middle-market companies in a variety of industries, as well as a variety ofdiversified pools of assets such as student loans and credit cards. The vast majority of ourasset-backed securities are in a senior position in the capital structure of the deals. Inaddition, substantially all of the securities that are below investment grade are in anunrealized gain position.

For asset-backed securities and residential mortgage-backed securities, we estimate the

portion of loss attributable to credit using a discounted cash flow model that considersestimates of cash flows generated from the underlying collateral. Estimates of cash flowsconsider credit risk, interest rate and prepayment assumptions that incorporatemanagements best estimate of key assumptions of the underlying collateral, includingdefault rates, loss severity and prepayment rates.

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