Le Pas Saladin. III

Le Pas Saladin. IIIAuthor(s): F. E. LodemanSource: Modern Language Notes, Vol. 12, No. 4 (Apr., 1897), pp. 105-115Published by: The Johns Hopkins University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2919479 .

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209 April, 1897. MODERN LANG UAGE NOTES. Vol. xii, No. 4. 210

peculiar to the Classical languages, we must agree with Bernhardt that the work as a wvhole is an independent composition, but that the author has borrowed, ideas probably, constrtuc- tions certaiinly, fromii the Classical lang-uages. In other words,the work is probably conmposite. In this paper, in addition to what was already knowni, I have attemipte(d to presenit further reasonis, froml internal evidence, for believing that the Skeireinis is not a word-for-word tranislationi of a Greek original and, at the same time, to show that there are unmistakable traces of ClaLssicall, certaiinly of Greek, probably of Latini, influenice.

GEORGE H. McKNIG,-HT.

Cornell jiziv6 rsi1y.

L.E PAS SALADIN.

III. THE: followving is niot an exhaustive study of the language of the text, all chiaracteristics iot essential to the determiiniation of dialect having beeni oimittecl. In referring to the dialect spoken in cenitral Franice, the shorter word 'Frenich' is almiiost always used in place of "Isle-dce-Franice."

VmvEI S. A.

Latiin toniic a in open syllable anid before oral conisonianits becomes e aind Ci.

Exarmples:-i, recor-der; 38, sermloner; 56, reposer; 72, lo aule; 90, assenmbler; Too, bonite; io6, conte; 113, tref; 126, grever, 127, tmer; 128, en1tree; 147, aler; 202, mandes; 17, livreis ; ioi, aleir; 144, coniteit; I75, larimeir; 270, esporonniieit; 287, meir; 302, fermeis; 303, chiteis; 340 leis.

This development to ei is of sonme impor- tanice as it occurs so regularly tllhlouLghout the text. Thie rhlymles bonte: a/leir, IOO; vorres.: larmzeir, 175, as well as in linies 276, 3I4, anid 384, prove that there was no difference in the pr-onlunlciatioin of e and ei, which nmust have beeni e. TIhle writing of ei for Latini a belongs especially to the East, and its presence in Picardy, wlhere it is fouLnd only in the eastern half, is probably dtue to the influence of the Walloiniain (Lor. Pg. viii; Ronti. S/ud. iv, 360; NAeii. TS).

A/ic-nJ becomes age.

Examples:-I25, I35, 328, 441, 536, 553, 594, passages; 420, domage; 591, barinages; 595, lignage.

Aige, a special eastern chiaracteristic, is frequently found in Wallonian, and more rarely in Picardy. In Frenclh, it is always age (CG/ev., xxxiii; Neu., 12; Rorn. xvii, 555).

Air beconmes er. Examples:-32, pere; III, niere.

This is the regular Frenchi characteristic, while the eastern eir, or air (loes not occur (Ronil. Xxii, 554).

After a palatal, or palatalized consoniant, a becomiies ie, e.

Examples:-12, croisier; 56, aisier; 117, prisier; 125, 141, gaitier; 14;, laisies ; 176, pitier; I04, 453, cher.

The group ie wvas originally proniouinced as a diphlthonig with the accenit on the i (Rorn. Vi, 322). Later it was wvritteni and pronoulllced e. Sch vwan, 289, says that the diphthonig ie was redUced to e at the entdl of the thiirteenitlh cenitury, anid that th-ie first examiiples are fotund after cki, as clier for chier. In the east of Franice, the reductioni did not take place before the nmiddle of the thirteeni h century, and it rarely occuLrred in Picardy. Except in the Normiiani dialect, whichi lies outside of the presenit discussion, the chanige seenms to have been a late onie, and the fact ihat the rhymiies ie. e occur quite frequently in the text, Would indicate that the AIS. cotuld not hiave beeni writteni muchI before the close of the tlhirteenith century. In lilnes 107 and 515, ie is proniounced e in pile, a word whlich lhas retained the diphthonig to the pr-esenit day.

al+i, becomlles a;i. Examiiples :-8, remembrance ; 42, denmor-

aince , 84, lechans ; 85, 1I 8,SoLu(dans ; I30, clernl- banis; 2I8, avatnt ; 219, devanit.

The nasalizel a is of little imlportanice in the present inivestigation, for siuice the tw elftlh ceni- tuLry, botlh di and J were proniouLnced alike in most of the northeastern dialects as well as in Frenclh (SC/i., 298). They are founld rlhyming together in line 7 ; namely, coutzlenlajice: re- lnernbra;zce, bLut elsewhere in the text they are generally k- ept separated.

The developmenit of atin andcl eiC is simnilar to the above. They rhyine togetlher in the tvelftlh centtury, andcl both rhymiie with oiPt in

105



211 April, I897. MAODERN LANGUAGE NOTES. Vol. xii, No. 4. 212

the middle of the thirteentlh century (Sch., 304, 305). That their pronuniciation in the text was the same is proven by the writilng of p(oiu/ for peiiz/, in lines 6 and 597, anid of maine for miseinie, in line 576.

Clhecked tonic a and atonic a remain.

Examples :-2, garderent; 4, palasiln; 9, regarder; 51, passent; ioi, laisast; 173, apareilles; i8o, enlbrases; I8o, armes; 187, regarda; 193, Richart; I97, cheval.

The writinlg of ai for a is a special Burgunii- diani anid easterni characteristic, and more rarely founid in both the WVallonliian and Picarcl (Lor. Ps., xiii; C(iev., xxxiv). In the former it ma-y occur in the endilng of the imperfect sujb., as aisse, aist, etc. (RoMn. xvii, 568).

Two examlples of ai for a are found in the text ; namely, pbaisseronl, 373, anid Irovaisi, 39'.

a l)efore a palatal or palatalized couisoniant becomes azi, e.

Examples :-56, aisier; 82, fais; 83, pais ; 9I, mavais; 147, laissies; I83, aiderons ; 184, faire 158, nies (magis).

Originally ai was a diphtlhong anid in the Alexis it still assonialnces with a. It begins to rh-iyme with e in the early part of the twelfth century, and by the middle of thie tlhirteentl century ai was also pronounced e (SChi., 281). The reduLction of the diphthong was somewlhat later in the north. In the text it is always fouind rhyming with itself, but the pronunciation was no doubt e, as this vowel replaces it in a few words (7z1C., 6o; Romn. xvii, 555).

al- consonant becomes ani, a.

Examples:-2I, faus; 44, vassaus; 72, 10y- atite; I82, hauteniment; I83, loyaument; 192, iatit ; I99, autreteit; 266, cievauLx ; 294, roi- atimes; 32, madit; 78, 9I, niavais.

The regular French form is an, while a belongs to the WValloniian, where / fell without being vocalized. The rhymes combalre: au/re; haul. Riclhar;; chevax:. sengira, in linles I70, 192 and 266, appear to indicate a Wallonian pronuniciationi, but they are not inmpossible in French, as ani remained a falling diplhtlhong as late as the sixteenith century (SCh., 290).

In the East, pretonic a is often found written in place of other vowels. A few examples are

found in the text. 259, 3I9, asfoi,- 358, as/oil (Rortn. xvii, 560).

In line io8, e, out of Latin a, rhymes with open e, confor-/er-en.: ere. The open and close e were pronounced alike at the beginning of the twelfth century, but e, otit of a, remained distinct until the middle of the thirteenth century (Sc/h., 27 2).

E.

Tonic e in open syllable becomes ie.

Examples :-24, Pieres; 70, rien; i86, 197, pies; 195, 405, 417, bien; 236, tiellt; 249, cOI1- viellt; 495, tient; 596, iert.

Dents becomes Dieiu, Deiu, Die.

Examples:-32. 353, 6ii, Dieu; 50, Deu; 6oI, Die.

Dient and D)eu are Frenich forms, while Die is regularly Picard. TFhe diphtlhonig ie replaced both ieuc, out of ini, anid the older iezn from ent (GClev., xliv; \A enl ., 42).

e before a palaial or palatalized consonianit becomiies i.

Exanmples :-25, 6i, 193, sire; 117, 263, Pr-i- sier; 135, I64, 362 mi (nmeditim); 226, pris.

No examples occur of e+j>ei, wlhiclh is often fotuidc! in XVaillonian. TFle Picard lias i, like the French (Z. xii, 256; Z. ii, 276, 300).

Open e in positiOn remRain1s.

Examples ;-34, 55, 40, 64, 83, etc., terre; 68, estre.

The well known Picard amcd WValloniiani characteristic of writinig ie for e does not occnir (Alex., 269; CG/ez., xxx vii).

t:l+consonant becomes ce, iai, itz.

Examples:-37S, elme; I7S, biauLs; 285, biautx; 474, biaute; 302, castias.

The el of elme was the original development of el+consonant, and henice common to all the dialects; it was retained in Lorraine. W\itth this exception, all of the exanmples show Picard influence. Caslias, line 302, may be either Picard or Walloniiani, as in the latter dialect I falls without beiig vocalized, and it has the vowel of the former. However, neither iaz, nor ea belong exclusively to their respective dialects, antd in this, as in most other cases, thiere is a mixtture of formiis near the fronitiers (Z. i, 564; AAuc., 64).

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213 April, I897. MODERN LANGUAGE NOTES. Vol. xii, NO. 4. 214

E. Tonic e in open syllable becomes oi. Examples :-3, I5, 29, 4I, etc., roy; 7, veoir;

30, quoy; 74, nIoy; II3, soie; 2I6, 227, foy; 213, vOirs.

The diphltlhong oi is common to most dialects, btut not to the Norman, where the older ei vas retained. TI he txvo examples reiz, 246, anidfrtcic/zeis, 3I5, therefore, seem to be due to Norml-ani infltuenice, buLt as they stand alone, they are probably mistakes of the copyist (Sc/k., 84).

In the niortlheast atoniic oi is reduced to i, especially before ss, as in counvissanice, but this reduction does not occtur in the text (Roni0. xvii, 557; Aluc., 65).

Examples :-423, Con noissoit; 428, conniois- sance.

Before 1, ei renmains. Examples:-I14, vert-neil; 115, soleil; 415,

imierveillaint; 195, 283, 32I, etc., coniseil 510, oreille; 511, merveille.

e+jn becomes eiii, aim, oinZ. Examples:-448, pleine; 576, mainie; 337,

enmoinent. The numuber of examples is too small to

showv how g+-i1t was written by the atuthor, and none of tlhem occur in rhyme. In enmnoineni, we have oine of the fewv special Burgunidian characteristics that are met with in the text.

el+consonant becomees euc, eau. Examples:-47, eLis; 599, ceulz; 2, cheaus;

351, eaus.

In the case of cl-+ consonianit, the Frenclh (lid not dexelop an a before 1, thus half of the above examnples are of easterni origin (Azic., 64; Z. ii, 275).

-elj e becomles -ece. Examples;-37I, 475, proece; 413, inoblece. The suffix -eljt regularly becamiie -eise, -oise,

but it gave way early to the learned suffix -ece. This in turni was replaced at the close of the thirteenitlh century by -esse. (Sch., 25I; Ja/irb. viii, 36).

I. Tonic i remlainis. Examples:-4, palasin; I4, Sarrasiins; 58I,

vinH.

This is the usual form in all the dialects, though a few chaniges are noted in the WVal-

lonian, where ien is sometimes written for inunt (Rom. xvii, 558).

O. Tronic o in open syllable becomes ute, oe, eit. Examples:-36, 418, 508, cuer; 75, 295, suer;

260, 409, puet; 123, voet; 26I, veult. The development of o is similar in all the

dialects witlh whiclh we are concernied, buLt it did not take place in all of them at the same time. The final diplhthonigization to emt first began in the north, anid was (ompleted before the close of the thirteenth century; but it did not become universal in Fianice before the foulrteenith. In addition to the regular development, tonic o in Wallonian may become o?C and oi (Neu., 47; SC/i., 276, 277; Rowii. xvii, 559).

o before a palatal or palatalized consonant becomes ui.

Examples:-258, huimlais ; 291, 446, cuident; 437, puier; 224, puisqtue; 389, 524, 580, puis,

The development of o+j exactly corre- sponds to that of e+j. It m;iy become either iti, or oi, and the same dialects that write ei for e+j, also write oi, and this is also true for i and uii (Rowii. xvi, I22 ; Z. Xii, 256; Z. ii, 276, 300).

p+ni-sal becomes i7e, o. Examiples:-6, on ; 9, 47, preudomne; 4I,

44, 47, etc., bons; I53, hons; 22, 26, 65, 405, etc., qluens.

In Freniclh the diphthongization of o takes place before vi bhut not before n, altl-hough the latter is comnmoni to both the Picard and WVal- loniani. Tile nortlheast sometiml-es develops a parasitic i before ii, an example of wllicih is furniishied by the text, in line 255, jOimis (SOC/., I02 ; NVeu., 44 ; CGlev., xlii ; R\'Ow". xVii, 559).

TIolic o in position rellains.

Examples :--5I, II9, I46, etc., ost; 97, I65, 299, etc., m11o0rs; I29, I36, 242, fort; I64, cors; 375, cors (corniiU).

This is the uisual form in the Isle-de-Franice, though it may diphthongize in tile Wallonian W0111t. xvii, 56o; aSCkt, 105).

Atonico becomes o, oxt. Exarnples :--36, dolor; 68, voloit; i9, trova;

76, mortut; 475, 599, honniors; 133, honniiora; 452, voulentiers; 500, poturriez.

TI'he difference between the French and the

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2I5 Apr-il, 1897. MODERN LANGUAGE NOTES. Vol. xii, No. 4. 2I6

northeasterni dialects is again mainly one of titne. In the latter dialects the diphthonigiza- tioIn is completed before the close of the thir- teenlth lcenltury, but not in the French. In houvlor-a an(l vouleutie-s, we see northern influence, the French having, contr-ary to rule, retainied the o in these words to the present day (Sck., 135).

a+u becomies o.

Examples:-36, io6, ii6, etc., ot; II4, or; 215, parole; 225, otroie; 305, loeir; 323, plot; 5I2, 10e.

As a+u becomes open o in Frenclh, I speak of its development here, instead of unider a.

In Frenclh, this o does not diplhthongize, but it remained anid assoniatnced with open o, out of Latin slhort 6, since the time of Alexis. In the Wallonian, it may becomiie either otu, au, or even oi, while the regtular development in the Picard was to eut (Sch., 109, 276; Autc., 65; Z. ii, 299).

Two niortlherni formls, suief andcl soulf, occur in the text. Sute, in line 426, is anl unlutsual for- mation, and is probably a mistake of the scribe for scul. TIhe second example is of interest, as it fuLrnislhes evidence lhelping to establish the origin of the MS. The word soul, line II8, contains the diphthonig out common to tl-e Walloniian, but this couild not have been writteni by the author, since it rhymes with ost in the line below, which has an open o.

As the two vowels p (It. o) and o (Lt. a-u) were kept separated in WValloniain and were pronounced alike in French, the correct form must have been SOt (Sch., 268).

p1+ consonanl becomes o, aut. Examples:-79, 607, vorent; 174, vorres;

222, vorrons; 347, vorront; 279, vaurent. The o remains in the Isle-de-France, but be-

comes tzu, or ont in the North (Autc., 63 ; Neu., 65).

0

Tonic o, in open syllable becomes o, out, en. Examiiples :-21, 62, 91, traitor; 36, dolor; 49,

contor; 50, 73, etc., amor; IIO, I51, i8i, seing- nor; 410, honniior; 411, meillor; 367, signour; I24, I34, etc., preus; 136, perilleus; I37, or- gueilleois; 556, seigngieur; 595, lhoniieur.

The developmenit of close o is quite uniform. It becomes o, out and eu, and the main differ- enlce between the dialects is againi one of

time. The diplhihongs ou?, eu become domi- n-ant in the Nortlh during the thirteenth century, while in the Isle-de-France, o still continued to be largely written; in some classes of words, especially those endinig in -or, it was retained durinig the greater part of the next century. In all the dialects, the diphthong ou? was tlhe intermediate form betwveen the older o anid the modern eu, but in a few words, as in amour, espouts, etc., the developmenit was arrested at otu. A special Wallonian clharacter- istic, which is also, thoulgh more rarely, foundi in the Picard is ci for close o. This does not OCCUl in the text (Sc/i., 277, 292; Row0i. Sitid. iv, 360; Aeuz., 43; Jahi-b. xiii, 399).

Totuic o in closut syllable becomes o, 0ou.

Examples;-4, 221, douzes; 8, 53, 107, etc., mouLlt; 341, oultl-e; 519, 596, joturz; 86, 98, I03, io6, totit 144, 192, 274, tot; 94, jor.

Little need be said about close o in positionl. It was diphthongized to ou?, but there the development was arrested, anid unilike o in open syllable it never became eiu. The chief tlingi to be noted is that in the great majority of cases, it is represented in the text by otu instead of o. The diplhthong ou? is of early date, btut it did not become thle dominianit formii in Frenclh uLntil the close of the tlhirteentlh cen- ttry. In the works of lRtutebuef, wlho wrote in the last lhalf of the century, o, for Latini o in close syllable, is still extensively uised (Sc/., 99).

T onlic o before a nasal becomes oni, and nlot ocanz, or un as is sometimiies the case in the Nortlh (Neat., 44; Rotn. xx'ii, 56o).

Examples :-5, renon ; i6, 27, traison; 58, ioi, prison ; 176, barons ; 207, 556, glouiton.

Atonic o beconmes 0, on.

Examples :-i, solas; 602, soulas; 85, 87, ItS souidans; 207, gIoLutoll; 367, g1oton ; 398, coroit; 3T4, sojorner; 56'), dou(;or.

The nortlhern clialects duirintg the thiirteenithi century generally prefer- oat. It Will be nioticed that the same word is written sometimes witlh, o and again with ont, and this confusioni occurs in case of other vowels. Th11is, lhowever, need not mean that tiie pronunLciationi also varied. Atoi1ic o was,at this time, probably pronoutinced like Germani at, bttt the ctustom of represenitnig it by ou hlad not yet becomlie firimly establislhecl.

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2I7 April, I897. MODERN LANGUAGE NOTES. Vol. xii, No. 4. 218

CONSONANTS.

C.

ca becomes chi, c (k). ce, ci, Ii becomiie c (s), cl. Examples:-i4, ceu; 92, chair; 84, chans;

I04, 453, clher; 266, clhevauix; 4I2, 5I9, 592, 6oo, clhexalerie; 364, ceval; 331, cevachies; 290, 347, calengier; 302, castias; 3oo, tocle; 488, Clhastillonl; 504, clhemini.

io, cel; 27, cilz; 42, cis; 287, 289,cha; 358, chlis; 303, clhiteis; 309, 352, francois; 539, 564, fraincois.

The treatmenit of c, in the Freinch aind Picard, is of great imlp)ortance in establishinig the dialect of the authlor. Before Latini a it was written Cli (Ich) in Frenich, and c (k) ini Picard, wvliile before Latin e, or i, it becamiie respectively c (/s) anid c/i (Ic/i). Tlhus the cle- velopmen-t of c in the two dialects is so differ- enlt, that there can be nio difficulty in niotinig the illflnlence of each uiponi the text.

The Picard forms although nLumerouis are ouLtnumulbered by the Freniclh. What little evidence is furniished by the rhyme also inidi- cates the French proniuinciation of c. In l-inie 300, c before a in loclie lhas the sounid of C/i,

sinice it rhymes wvith Anilioc/e. TIhe rhyme r-oces: delogenil, linie 430, is inicor-rect in both the Freniclh and( IPicard dialects, but as g- in deloge^enl is soft, the Frenich sound of c in roces would be less offenisive to the ear thani thie hard sounid of k that it hias ini the Picard (Auc., 57, 6i; lorni. vi, 6I7; Alex., 85-89).

The hard anid soft sounid of g is genierally represented as in Fi-renclh, but a fewv Picard form-ls, as inen,g( ancld lo-et, are also fouLnld. Thlie rlhymiie gives tis nio inidicationi as to what was the pronunmciation of gby the aulthlor (A?uc., 58, 62; Alex., 89, go; Darnim., 8o).

Examples :-59, cOljOit; I26, 420, 50I, 5i6, etc., genit; 309, logiet; 431, clelogenit; 554, des- logier; 570, JOie; 586, engie; I3I, lOgal; 318, gavelos; 583, mietnga.

1_.. I before a consonianit is replaced by iu, or

falls. Examples:-8, 53, I07, io8, etc., Imotult; 29,

85, etc., sotudanit; 59, Io8, doticemlenit; 72, loyatlte; 178, 285, biaUS; 212, vatut; 287, mllienis; 32, madit; 78, 9I, mavais; 376, miies; 6o0, filz.

The wvords xwithout it shoxw W"Talloinian infll-

ence, for the Picard usually follows the French, and vocalizes 1, since the end of the eleventh century. The one exceptioni to the above rule is wlhen / is preceded by i and followed by s. It tlhen falls in Freniclh, but the Picard, on the contrary, makes nlo distinction between the vowels, and replaces / by it according to the genieral rule (Rorn. xvii, 565; Neu., 69; COlev. xlviii).

In order to rhyme with co;zseilles, miieus, in ille 286, mnust lhave lost its 1. As the copyists seldom clhaniged the rhyme, this would inidicate that thie IMS. is of Wallonian origin, but this view is niot borne out by the renmaininig evidence.

Before and after a palatal, I becomes 1.

Examples :-89, I2I, bataille; ii5, soleil; T37, orgueilletus; I52, coniseilliez; I73, apareilles; I95, coniseil; 415, merveillnt; 416, recuLeil- leir.

In French, / is represented by il, or ill, wlhile in the Wallonian, it is often written il/i. Of all the examples in the text, only onie slhows the infltuenice of the latter dialect; namely, esineri/ihons, in linie 255 (PiRoz. xvii, 565 ; ROalz. XiX, 82).

S. Is ancd 4j become s, z. Exanmples :-i, grans; i, solas ; 136, fors;

I62, i65, i66, I73, etc., tons; I73, apareilles; 174, vorres; 277, armes; i5.', coniseilliez; 214, Voliez; 218, veniez; 519, tOnI ; 569, assez.

No difference was made in Picar-cl in the pronutniciationi of s and z, buLt as they were kept distinct in the otlher clialects tnuitil qulite late, their developmenit is of somiie imiportance. In the WVallonian, s becanme z during the first hialf of the tlhirteentlh centur-y, wlhile they were kept separated in Frencll ullltil near the close of the cenituiry (Ro1ut. xvi, I27; R1out. xvii, 564; SCh., 251, 322).

In the I-as de Sn/edit;, z is seldom written, btut is niear-ly always replaced by s. The rlhymes so/ols.- as, I; crois. crois, 37; c,-Ois. boanfois, 538; and soa/uas.- las, 602, prove that the use of s for z cannlcot be ascrihed to the copyist alonie, but that it was also kinowni to the autlhor.

s before consonianits is generally retainied. Examiiples :-i8, 85, prisi ;. I9, 97, crestieni

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219 April, I897. MIODERN LANGUAGE NOTES. Vol. xii, No. 4. 220

34, fUst; 38, 87, etc., fist; 37, hastiement; I03, despense; 140, destorbier.

It is onmitted in I30, derubans; 390, Ron- ceval; 432, melleit.

The fall of s before consonants was earlier in Frenich than in either the Wallonian or Picard. It, however, continued to be written in many words long after it lhad become silent, and thus its retenitioni in the MIS. cannot be considere(d as a characteristic of any particular dialect, nor is it a proof that it was still pro- nouLnced. In fact the MS. is not withoUt evidence that the contrary must have been the case. In bolus!, linie 573, for lout, s is inserted where it does not properly belong, and suclh a wrong insertion of a letter nmay be taken as evidence of its fall. A/el/eiU, line 432, shows that it was silent also before liqulids. Here s was assimilated to / (Romn. xvi, I23; Dari- n., I02).

The prosthetic e, or i before s impure, has always beeni a characteristic of the Frenich, but it is often omitted in the Walloniani (Lor. Ps., xliii; S/h., i83, Ro;n. xvii, 564).

Exatmples :-24I, 490, espee; 254, esperons; 326, 507, esteiidart; 353, estrinae; 357, 427, 457, escut; 387, estor; 422, 439, espie; 465, isnele- pas; 56o, escler.

NV.

German w becomes gi, g.

Examples:-46, 221, garderent; 9, regarder; 134, guerre; I87, regarda; 23I, 488, Gautier; 238, 242, 487, 490, Guillaume.

Germani za belongs especially to the WVal- loniani and the East, while in French it is replaced by gut, or g. The letter occurs twice in the text. Walerans, line 401, is a German word which did not enter into the popular language, and which, therefore, is written with w, or wvith v, as in lines 235 and 485. The w of weil, 286, is for Latin v, and nmay be either Walloniiani or Picard (Z. ii, 275; Rorn. xvi, I2I; Jalirb. viii, 390).

A WValloniian characteristic that does not oc cur in the text, is the insertioni of w between two vowels, in order to destroy the hiatus, as in owes, ozoisi, etc., (lPo0. xvii, 563; Z. ii, 284; Jazrb. viii, 390, 407).

n becomes gn, ngn.

Examples:-39, Bretaignie; 40, Alemaigne; II0, 285, seignior; 15I, 'SI, 529, seiingnor; 350, poignianit; 370, poingnant; 506, compagnoil; 562, resoignoit.

This mode of writing ni agrees with the French, but in the Wallonian it is generally represented by n/i, ughi or uig. The writing of ugn for n is foreign both to the French and the northern dialects (Rowol. xvii, 565).

qut becomes qtt, c.

Examples:-q, I2, 46, 58, etc., qtli ; 27, cinik; 30, qulOi; 68, 74, 88, 95, etc., que; So, car; go, II8, 123, cant; io6, quant.

WVhen qu lost its labial sound in French, it was pronounced like k, and henice was often replaced by that conisoniant, or by c. Both fornms occur indiscriminately in the text (Sc/I., 2I4).

The Walloniiatn often adds r to the end of a word, anid drops it in the group mute plujs r. Neithier charact( ristic occuirs in the text (Rout. xvii, 565)

Examples:-63, destruction, Si, emllpresent; 95, iSi, nostre; 170, combatre; 171, autre.

Conitrary to the Frenclh usage the Picard and Wrallouiian do riot insert a consoniant in the groups f'r, n'r, Yn'l, and s'r. The author of the MS. lhas followed nio regular rule. Ther-e is either assimilation, or the consonant is omitted from the first two groLups, but it is always inserted in the last two (Sch., 230; Aulc., 58; 31/. L. i, 475-479, Jal/rb. viii, 392).

Examples:-79, 607, voretnt; 174, vorres; 279, vauront; 347, 453, vorronit; 83, teniroiit; 350, 352, vinrent; 44, I89, 204, enisemble; 555, sSo, pristrent.

The development of final / will be spoken of tinder verbs, and that of f+s has beeni meni- tioined under s. Otlherwvise, the consoniant presents nothing of interest for the study of the text.

ARTICLE.

The article has unidergonie but few variations since the earliest times, anid its use in the different dialects was with few exceptions the same.

The forms in the text are nearly all French. There is one example of the use of the iliasc. Ii for the fem. la, in 1i se-re, line 542, but else- wvhere, anid even in the same linie with se-re, the regular femininie article is used. The use

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221 April, I897. MODERN LANGUAGE NOTES. Vol. xii, No. 4. 222

of the masc. article for the feminine is a universal Picard characteristic, and even occurs in the Wallonian, so that its absence from the text is strong presumption against a northern origin (Rorni. vi, 617; Nei., ii8; Romn. xvii, 566).

Exanmples :-iT, I5, 22, 23, 25, 35, 4I, 65, 69, etc., masc. Ii; 4, 28, 29, 3I, 33, 57, 99, II5, etc., masc. le; 8, 38, 5I, 64, 79, 109, I2I, I35, i6i, I64, etc., Nom. & Acc. Fem. la.

All of the contracted forms belong also to the dialect of the Isle-de-France.

Examples: -380, al ; 6i. 120, I29, 182, etc., an ; I40, 432, 445, aus; I, 399, 4II, 442, 550, del; 54, 4I4, 6io, dii; 4, 21, 54, I75, 272, des; 363, es; 364, do; 495, as.

The modern Nom. Sing. le is a late forma- tion. In the texts examinied by Kniauer, Jahrb. x, i, li is still nearly exclusively tised in those dating from the beginininig of the foturteenith centtLry, anid Fallot (Rec i., 41), states that le is very rare until after 1300. Therefore, as le occurs fotur times ; niamely, in lines 85, 87, 107 anld I96, it may lhave been added after that date.

Anotlher variant of the Nom. Sing. li is el, in line 339. This is a very unusuial form anid is evidently a mistake of the copyist, who nmtust have intended to write either ii, or Ze. Ac- cording to Fallot, loc. cif. 42, no authenticated example of ei for the Nom. Sing. has yet been noticed.

In line 495, as is a contracted form for a les. The later au?s dates fromn the thirteetnth cenl- tury (Rech., 45). The contractionis del, ai were replaced durinig the thirteenith century by di anld ale. Do, a strictly Biurguindian form, became doin, di, at abouLt thie same date (Rech., 44).

NoUNS.

At the beginninlg of the tlhirteentlh century, the declensions were much simplified, atnd all masculinie niouns received anl s in the Nom, Sing. They were still further simplified toward the close of the century. At this time, the accusative takes the place of the nominative, with the result that the declensions of all nouns, both masculine and femininie, were reduced to one; tnaniely, they have no ending in the singular, wvhile the plural adds s.

The endinig of the Nom. Sinig. is still quite

well preserved in the text, but it is apparent that the confusion, inicident to the general breaking up of the declensions, has begun. Thus both correct and incorrect forms appear in the same line, asfu m2ou0lt prez et sages, I34; tout 1i mitondes boe, 5I2; li prezus Guil- lZaume, 487, alnd, further, in lines 80, 278, 328, etc.

It is not clear what forms were used by the author, as the evidence furniished by the rhymes is misleading. Some, as sages (N. S.): passages (A. P.), I24; amiraits (A. P.): sou0 dazns (N. S.), 284, and furtlher in lines I30, i68, 338, etc., demand a Nom. Siilg. with s, but otlhers, in linles 3, 49, 67, 344, etc., pay no at- tentioni to the ending. The question cannot be satisfactorily settled without the aid of a seconid MS.

In the examples given below, adjectives are incluided as their declensioni does not differ from that of the nouns.

Examples :-Nom. Sinig. witlh s, II, I5, I8, 22, 26, 35, 4I, 43, 65, etc.; witlhout s, 69, 8o, I34, 339, 365, etc.; Nom. P1. with s, 49, I76, 349, 451, 494, etc.; witlhout s, 62, 9I, IO,, 207, 208, 274, 275, etc.

PRONOUNS. The pronouns of the first person singular

are je, ge, gie, jou. Examples: -37, 102, I73, 2[5, 225, etc., je;

77, 86, 96, I54, 449, 479, ge ; 237, gie ; 231, jou. The earliest form of the first personial pro-

nounl, in the dialect of the Isle-de-France, was jo. It is still found in the Alexis, where the o is niever elided before anl iniitial vowel, while in the R'olaind, though the elisioni is niot Unli- versal, it is nio longer rare. lhus jo was re- duLced toje at tile end of the eleventh century, and sooni became the domiinait form. TIhere were no further modificationis in the Frenclh, buLt its development in the Picard and the East las been sliglhtly different.

In Burgundy, during the first hlalf of the tlhirteenth cenitury, ge was tused by the side of, and indiscritiniately with, je. Anotlher variant of the same pronoun was gie, belonginig to the last lhalf of the century, anid also confinied to the East.

The Picard has but two formls, an earlierjou and the modern je. Unlike the Frenclh, however, the latter does niot become universal uni-

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223 April, I897. MODERN LANGUAGE NVOTES. Vol. xii, No. 4. 224

til quite late, examples of the use of jou. being found during the fouirteetntlh century (Alex., 33; Sc.k., 396; Reck., 235-24c).

The Acc. Sing. of the first personal pronoun is miie, niever ini, as in the North, and its uise in the text needs no comment. The tonic formi- vioi occurs once, in line 74, as object of a verb in place of miie. Fallot, Ic. ci/. 242, states that miioi for ine, or ini dates from the second half of the thirteenith century, anid that, while in Picardy it was especially written after verbs, in Burgundy it was placecl after prepositionis. However, the solitary example founid in the MS. canl pzrove nothing. TIhe use of vizoi in place of the nominative je, as subject of a verb, dates from the fourteentlh century, aind (loes not occur in the text (Jaihrb. Xi, 234; Reck., 242; Sch., 395, 396; IVeu., 22).

Exatmiples :-79, 84, 100, 101, 103, 152, 214, 224, 229, 249, me.

Of the plurral of tlle first anid second personal pronoutis, it need only be said that in the majority of cases they are written wvith o, as nos aind vos, instead of the moderni 1nous, volts.

Exaniples :-I56, I65, i66, 170, 2I2, 202, 205, 314, etC., "Os ; I83, 54I, 545, 1ous ; 66, 154, I74, 183, 185, 214, 2I5, etc., vos; 247, 286, 329, 414, 493, 552, VOliS.

THIRD PERSONAL PRONOIJNS. The Nom. Sing. mascuiline, of the tlhird per-

sonal pronoun, had in Old French the same form as today. Durinig the thirteenth century, an s was sometimes added by analogy to the first declension of n1ouIns, but this usage never became genieral, and does inot occur in the text (Jahyrb. Xi, 235).

The feminiine pronoun was written either ele, or elle, ancd both were common in the IMiddle Ages. The latter, however, became the dom- inanit form after the thirteenith century, and is the onIv one found in the text (Rech., 249).

Examples:-I9, 38, 6i, 68, Ioo, ii6, 201, 220, 254, 256, ii, 74, 75, elle.

The Nom. P1. of the Modern Frenich differs from the old form onily by the addition of s. Throughout the thirteenth century,il remlaitned uinchanged, but it is replaced by ils duLring the next century. Fallot, IOc. cit. 249, gives 1305 as the clate of the first example of ils in the texts which he examinzed (SCII., 398; Ja/rb. Xi. 2 ,;R T,ech.. 21Q).

Examples :-3o, 269, 432, 454, 513, 584, il. The objective singular was ii, or liii. The

former, though iiot fotund in Mlodern Frenclh, was still ill frequenit use duriug the fourteentl century. The old rule that Ii should be used as inidirect object after verbs, anld lui after prepositions, reinainied in force until toward the close of the tlhirteenlth centuiry. The rule is observed in our MS. in the case of Ii with verbs, but there is conifuision betweeni the two fornms after pr-epositionis (JakIrb. Xi, 236 Rech., 251-257, Sch., 398, 399).

Examples :-i, after verbs, 122, 240, 357, 361, 46i, etc.; after pi epositions, 109, 294; lui, after prepositionis, 157, 189.

Of the objective plural, it is onily necessary to mention the uise of les, for the dative lob, ill line 6o, a characieristic commlion to the Wkal- loniain. In all Frencch dialects after the close of the thirteenith ceintury, the objective wvas ofteni written in p lace of thle noniniative, botlh in the case of pronoiuns and of nlouins. The onily exaniple occu1rs in linie 104, wh1ere Ii is used for il, as subject of a verb. The earlier anid later forms of lor and leutr are used itndis- criminiately ; nlamiiely, lbr in lin1eS 264, 347, 372, anid iezer, lines 5, 7, 589 (Rone. xv, 130; eec/h., 257).

POSSYI;SSIVE PRONOUNS.

With the exceptioni of vo, in linies 184 aiidc 50I, all of the possessive adljectives and pronouns are French. This is of sonme impor-tanice, as the Picard formiis ocCur quiite frequienitly in nmost of the northlerni dialects (Roirn. xvii, 566; Neut., 63; Sck., 4II).

Examples :-306, 111011; 290, ma; 103, mes; I9, son; 155, 197, 198, 253, 283, 340, 377, soll;

126, 133, 296, 420, 523, sa; I62, 261, 6II, ses; 317, vOS; 533, nOs; 95, niostre; 248,320, vostre.

The possessive lor, beur, does not add s when before plural n1ounis. The change from11 lor to lors and beurs dates from the close of tl-he thirteenth century (Sc/c., 4ii; Rec/c., 273).

Examples :-82, 83, 85, 92, 457, 587, lor; 7, 62, 337, 478, 547, 595, leur.

DEMIONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS.

Both classes of demnonstrative pronoutns, those from Latin ecce-ille, and those from ecce- is/c,are represenited in the text. The declensioni of the first class, inclucding both totnic anicl a-

112




tonic forms, is as follows,- Nom. Sing. cis, chis, cil. Ac. Sinig. cel. Nom. P1. cil, cilz, cis. Ac. P1. ceulz, cheaus.

Examples:-I8, 42, 209, 308, cis; 358, chis; iio, cil; io, I67, 321, 546, cel; 46, 371, 392, cil; 27, 204, cilz; 402, cis; 2, cheus; 599, ceulz.

IVith the exception of the Picard chis, clueaus, all of the above are French. The Nom. P1. cil remained unchanged up to the close of the thirteenith century, when it added s in anialogy to the declensioni of nouns. In lines 155 anld 158, celni, in place of ice/ui, is used as an absolute pronouni.

The second class is niot so numerous. It in- cludes the usual Isle-de-France forms, and only the Picard feminine accusative cesli, in line 258, needs be nioted (Sc/., 402, 404; Reck., 299-306).

CONJUGATION.

The verbs present some unmistakable Wal- lonian characteristics, such as the retention of final I in the third person, sinigular, anid past participle, and the writing of ei, for e(a). The former is treated here, as it concerns more especially the verbs.

Intervocalic I an*d final /, unsupported by anothier consonanit, disappears in French by the beginninig of the twelfth century (Sch., 175,

318; GrntIdriss, 58I). Though probably no longer pronounced, it is still represented in the Alexis, anid it prevents the elision of a pre- cedinig e, before a wordI withi anl initial vowel (Alex.,34). In the Chanson (le Roland, fifty years later, it has begun to fall, and was soon after dropped entirely. During the followinig two hundred years, this rule is strictly adhered to in all the better MSS., but in the fourteenith century, final I reappears in the third person, singular, and the past participle of verbs. Here we again meet with such forms as amel, f?lt, which were correct in the twelfth century, but which had beeni replaced by others without / (Ja/rb. xii, I63).

But such forms are late and comparatively rare, and do not adequately explain the frequent use of final I in the text. Its presence must, therefore, be due to some outside influence, as it cannlot be considered a character-

istic common to the dialect of the Isle-de- France. Of all the northern and eastern dialects, the Wallonian is the onily one that generally retains an unsupported final / during the thirteenth century. In the dialect of Namur, it is of frequenit occurrence even as late as the end of the century, but this is exceptional, and, as a rule, it has fallen before 1250. The same characteristic is also found in eastern Picardy (Rooz. xvii, 563; XiX, 8I).

Examples:-zvilhout 1, I9, trova; 22, 69, 75, 112, 124, 134, 242, 339, fu; 42, croisa; 9I, prouve; 105, fonidu; io6, conite; 120, 283, manida; 122, ramanda; 123, atendra; I27, coste; 131, loga; 132, ama; 138, jura; 139, fera; 187, regarda; 2I0, 240, agree; 21I, baee; 217, apella.

Wi/h 1, 10, 17, 80, 340, fuit; 6o, conitat; 76, morult; 142, alat; 144, conteit; 270, esporon- neit; 3I1, respondit; 335, 363, 368, at; 343, ferat.

The above examples show that the French forms are much more numerous than those of the North.

FIRST PERSON PLURAL. With the exception of somnzes, and of the

perfect tense, the ending of the first person plural is -ous, or -on. The latter is not a dia- lectical difference, but is sonmetimes used in place of -onzs (Darm., 222). This enidinlg is assured by the rhyme deffenidonz: glioulon, line 206.

Examples:-89, avoms; I04, I57, avoIns; I54, sommes; I83, aiderons; 184, devons; 21I, corons; 22I, garderons; 223, deffendrons; 54T, nleton; 545, serolls.

According to Diez (Gram., 567), the regular endinig for the Picard is -ornzes. The French eildiig -ons is, however, fotund in some parts of Picardy, and is the rule in Walloniani. The elidiig -onis, of avoinis, in line 89, is the prinmi- tive onie, andcl does ilot staiid for -ornes. It was gradually replaced by -o;zs (Romn. Stud. iv,

! 361). IMIPERFECT, -ionS, iez.

ITlie ending of the first aiid seconid person plural of the imperfect and conditionial is, in French, -ionis aiid -iez. The older form -iens is still occasionially used in Rutebuef, but it finally disappears by the end of the centtury. The Picard has -iemes, while throughout the East -ienzs and -iez were retained. These further differ from the Frenich in having but

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227 April, 1897. MODERN LANGUA GE NOTES. Vol. xii, No. 4. 228

one syllable. The ending -iens in our text occurs onily in nouns, but it, as well as -iez in pbourriez, line 500, counts as two syllables (Z. ii, 28I ; Diez, Gram., 567).

IMPERFECT, -eve. No examples occur of -eve, the ending of

the imperfect indicative in the East. This tense is of frequent occurrence, btut always with the regutlar French ending -oi, -oit, etc., (Z. ii, 276).

Examples: -53, 522, avoit; 58, 276, 277, 525, estoit; 72, aportoit; 83, ten1roien1t; I90, venoit; 232, feroy ; 312, appelloit; 415, aloit; 4I7, quii- doit; 422, al11oit; 5IO, escouItoit.

PERF CTS, -il{. The perfect tense offers several fornms that

distingulislhes it shalrply from the Picard and Wallonian. Thuts the endings -in, -arent are enitirely wanting, while -oni and -isent are rare.

Sl1ciier, IOC. Cit. 255 if.,has fully described the development of the i?{ perfects. They may be divided into two classes, according to the endings of their stem accented formns, namely, a. thiose in -oi, -of, -orent, anid b. those in -ui, -utt, -urenlt. TIhese are the regtular Frenchi forms, and the only onies that appear in the text (RoM. xvi, I2I ; Z. ii, 283, 286).

Examples :-36, io6, ii6, 130, I79, etc., ot; 30, 78, etc., orent; 94, plot; 209, 360, vot; 360, pot; 76, morut; 84, duLrenit; 458, conllut.

PERFECT, -011/. The perfect endinig -ont? occuLrs in laisont,

92; and gardoont, 603. On account of their similarity to the endings of the present tense, they never came into general use, even in the Wallonianl, but were soon superseded by the regular forms (Roim. xv, 132 ; XVi, 121 ; Z. Viii, I22).

PERFECT, -is/rezt. Both the enidings -strent anid -sen/ are found

in the text. The latter is the regular Picard and WVallonian form. The ending -rent is simply a varianit of -s/r-ent, formed by analogy to vinreni, and belongs to the Freniclh (Sc/i., 437; Diez, Gr-amz., 580; Autc., 62).

Examples:-27, 447, 579. 582, 592, 595, firenit; I59, fisent ; 177, 554, virenit; 555, 580, pristrenit.

P ERFECT, -ereniz. The \Vallonian ending -arenit, of the third

personi, plural, perfect tense, is entirely want-

ing, and only the French forms in -ereuzl, or -icreizi are fouLnd (Roni. xvii, 567; Z. ii, 276).

Examples:-2, 46, garderent; 3I, livrerent: 52, ariverent; 57, 345, trotuverent; 93, tornerenit; 266, 333, nmonterent.

Many of the changes wlhiclh the verb under- went during the last half of the thirteenith ceinttury, do not appear in the text.

The endinig e of the first person, singular, present tense, began to be added at this time, andcl it is frequenitly found in Rutebtief. The onily example otroie, line 225, must be due to the copyist, as tlle word couLnts as two syllables anid not as three (.Skc., 435).

Otlher examlples are di, 66, 154, and dienti, 2I6, in place of tlis ali(l disent respectively; s52i, 153, 173; baee, 2II; coronIs, 21I; for later suis, bee, coutronzs. The modern forms, meni- tionecd by Schwan 433, 442, 444, all date from the close of the tl iirteentlh cenituLry.

ELISION ANI) HIIATUS.

It is unnecessarv to mlake a detailecd study of the ruLles of elision anid hiatus, as they re- mainied constanit throughout the greater part of the Middle Ages.

Finial mujte e b(-fore a followinig vowel suLf- fered elisioni sinlce the earliest times (Alexis, 3I). AltlhouLgh the moniosyllables je, ce, se, que, were generally subject to the rule, thley could if the metre reqLir-ed it, form hiatus before a word with an initial vowel as late as the sixteenth centuiry (Trails, 394). TIllis was duie to the fact that their vowels, in the early liter- ary period were dlistinctly proniouLnlced, andc it was not until after the timne of the Alexis, that they were reduLced to mutte e (A4lexis, 31).

The exanmples in whiclh the e is elidecd are so numerous that none are here given. In the following, the final e forms hiatuLs.

Exanmples:-204, ce est; 226, se il; 255, qtue UIIS; 287, ceest; 293,307,466, jeai ; 454,que il.

Examples of elision whiclh are not tolerated in the modern langtiage are as follows:-the relative qui in qu'a lo'sl, 564; and gel, 154, for ge le, and ges, 479, for ge les.

Pretonic e in hiatUs,coUnts as a separate syllable. It first becamiie silent in the North during the thirteenth centtury, but it did nlot disappear in the Isle-de-France until muLch later (T7rzihe, 397; Sc/i., 309-311 ; Jahi i-b. x iii, 407).

II4




Examples:-I4, ceue; 95, eussent; I13, 369, veist; 464, 466, veu; 467, reonde; 500, veoir; 545, aseur; 586, beut.

F. E. LODEMAN. CornzeZ Vniversily.

GERMANIC GRAMMAR.

Urg-ernianzische Gram, nalik. Eiifiihrung in das vergleichende Stuidium der altgerman- isclhen l)ialekte. Von1 DR. XV. STREITBERG. Heidelberg: Carl WVinter's Universitatsbuch- hanidluiig, 1896. 8vo, pp. xx, 372.

TfiLE purpose of Streitberg's book is to furnish students of philology with ani outline whiclh, through a comparisoni of the different Ger- maniic dialects establislhes the common basis of Germaniic primitive speech in its relation to the otlher Indo-EUropean dialects. The book will thlus be of service to studenits in Germani- ics as well as in Comparative Philology.

It may be said, at the outset, that the author has accomplislhed his object admiriably, with the scholarship ancd the skill of presenitation to whiclh we are accuistonmed in hi.s writings, and with true pedagogical insight gainied by several years' lecturinlg on this topic. Thlose, of course, tlhat wvill take the work for an " Ele- mentarbtuclh " in the common acceptanice of the word-atimong wvlomi we may incluide the amusin- reviewer in the School Gutardian- will be sadly disappointed. But by all those whIo have labored throtugh the immi-enise liter- attire of Germianiic philology, and wlho have stucceeded in removing the seven seals from Kluge's masterly, yet more inivolved, article in Paul's Griundriss, the far clearer presenta- tion by Streitberg will be gladly welcomed.

Yet with all the p)raise we lhave to bestowon the n1ew book we nmust conifess that the idea of an " introductory treatment " ought to have kept the autlhor's eye oln the many sttudents of Germlan1ics whIo lhave not had the good fortune of listeniing to the inistructor's elucidation. There are few universities, even in Germany, where couLrses covering the field of the Urger- mianische Granimzsla/ik are offered. A consid- eration of the sttldenit's needs would reduce the many qtuestioin-marks that will surely re- maini in many a copy as evidence of its use. For instance, the treatmenit of the verb wvould

have been more intelligible by addinig a para- graph on the Sanskrit verb. The reviewer has always, in his lectures on the Gernanic verb, started with the Sanskrit present forma- tion. This may not be strictly scientific, yet the student gets a more plastic, and clear im- pression of the rather involved forms. Cani we hope that an Eniglish edition will yield theoretical scientific consideirationis to practical pedagogical demands ?

The volume opens with a concise biblio- graphy of referenices. Studlenits in Germany can now use the tranislationi of Giles' YAIanuazl of Comparalive Pkilology by Joh. Hertel (0. R. Reislanid), while V. He nry's Precis de graimnaire coinfparee de langlais. et de la/ae- mand is inow available in the author's owni English translatiotn (ed. 1894).-P. I3. The ex- istenice of the Crimeani Gotlhs extends beyond the sixteenith century; cf. now R. Loewe, Die Resle der Germanen aiam .S;chwa,ze;i ueer, i886.-P. 14. Instead of "Niederdeutsch," (ii, b) " Niedersachsisch " would lhave been more appropriate.

The followinig section, " Laut- iunid Akzent- lehre," is a masterpiece of compositioni, clear anid succinict, yet sufficiently comprehensive for orienitation. In ? 36 the author menltiotns Wuindt's law of apperceptioni (cf. also p. i68). This important phenomenioni, accordinig to xvlhiclh two acljoininig syllabl(e.s vary in stress, or are at least subordiniated by the humani ear, will have to pass the furthetr test of experi- menital phonetics. The (lue;tion seenms to be more complicated; cf. the UpsAla conitr-oversy. For nmore details on this interestin, poinit see also V. Miclhels, L. F. vii, 1(63, anld Al. H. Jel- liniek, ib., i6o.

In his vowel system Streitberg conidenises the restults of lhis own investigations. As the ablaut questioni is at present inflfu.c it miight have been fiir to devote a paragraplh to the treatment by other scholars, wlhose views have certainly not beeni disposed of for good by the autlhor of the ' Dehnstufe.' A slhort delineationi of Osthoff's systenmi would have been helpful to the students that have been introduced to his schemle anid InoImlenlclature. In ? 46 the - is defined as "Murmelvokal." It would be (lesirable to avoid all characteri- zations of this supposedly one-moric reductioni

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Le Pas Saladin. III