Third issue

U R B A N I S T M A G A Z I N E - 2 - S E P T E M B E R - 2 0 1 5

Ce numéro a deux focales. Sur ces seize pages, et avant de partir en va-cances, La Voix consacre tout l ’espace « Mafia » à la découverte de la richesse de ses étudiants comme de ses an-ciens. Ensuite, à l ’aube de la nouvelle année, il s’agit de se demander de quoi l ’avenir sera fait . Ne pouvant bien en-tendu pas être exhaustifs, nous avons principalement sélectionné des sujets d’habitude peu traités ou marginaux dans le débat public. Le climat, enjeu de survie pour notre génération, d’autant plus décisif après l ’ (heureuse) issue de la COP21, sera quant à lui l ’objet du numéro de jan-vier (à vos contributions !) .

Un mot ensuite pour vous remercier de votre fidélité. Les retours furent nombreux après le dernier numéro. Comme un Noël avant l ’heure, le Con-seil Académique et le Recteur ont tenu à nous féliciter chaleureusement pour le travail accompli et Politico Europe nous a consacré comme ayant une « sélection de blockbuster » . Ceci, nous le devons au rang de notre institution, à la formidable diversité des étudiants du Collège et à la qualité des contri-butions reçues et publiées, sur le site comme sur le blog. Cela nous encour-age à mieux faire.

Enfin, certains toujours s’interrogent : pourquoi La Voix et non ‘Les Voix du Collège’ ? En Europe comme dans le monde, 2015 fut une année lourde et pénible. Les menaces qui pèsent sur l ’UE et le monde nous obligent à re-penser l ’avenir. C’est pour ça que nous cherchons à constituer un libre fo-rum des étudiants et, dans la diversité de nos opinions, nous parlons d’une même voix, pour l ’Europe.

In varietate concordia .NATE

8-12OUR DOSSIER:

TOWARDS 2016

4LET’S TALK

ABOUT YOU

14WHAT’S HAPPENING IN

FRANCE?

6INTERVIEW OF M.

SCHINAS, CHIEF

SPOKESPERSON OF

THE COMMISSION

THIS ISSUE COULD NOT HAVE BEEN PUBLISHED WITHOUT OUR SPONSOR:

DO YOU ALSO WANT TO SUPPORT US AND BE MENTIONED HERE ? SEND US AN E-MAIL AT: [email protected]

La Voix du collège | The College Voice - 2 - December 2015 I Third issue

LA VOIX DU COLLÈGE | THE COLLEGE VOICEDijver 11 - College of Europe | BE-8000 Bruges

E-MAIL: [email protected]

WEB: www.lavoixducollege.wordpress.com

TWITTER: @LaVoixduCollege

E Q U I P E D E D I R E C T I O N

NATHAN DE ARRIBA-SELLIER GINEVRA SPONZILLI

Director Editor in chief

EMILIE SCHOU JUAN GONZALEZ-MOYA

Deputy Editor in chief Logo & cover

ALEKSANDER SZOJDA, KORNEEL DE SCHAMP & JEAN-

BAPTISTE KASTEL

Natolin representatives

C O N T R I B U T E U R S

David Jan Bosschaert, Luigi Cino, Ceciel Nieuwenhout,

Tony O’Connor, Ernest Petrosyan, Bogdan Pavel, Florina Pop

+ Thanks to Paul Patron & Mario Pagano

I M P R E S S I O N

RECLAMELAND

EDITORIAL

U R B A N I S T M A G A Z I N E - 3 - S E P T E M B E R - 2 0 1 5

For a short time, Callum grew up in Tulse Hill but his family soon moved outside London, to a town called Woking, because this would ensure Cal-lum’s attendance at a mainstream school. At the age of 16, he moved to a catholic school - Saint John the Baptist – to complete his A-levels.

It didn’t take very long for Callum to recognize a particular interest (and may I add, a particular tal-ent!) for languages. This led him to college in Bir-mingham where he majored in foreign languages: French, Italian and Spanish.

He claims to have settled there reasonably well for 2 years before leaving for a year abroad split between Nancy, France; Vuelva, Spain; and Lake Garda, Italy. It was a practical approach to his de-gree that allowed for several months in each of the countries associated with the language he was learning.

THE ONLY LIMITATIONS WE FACE ARE THE ONES WE PLACE IN FRONT OF US

“My year abroad was a highlight” he shares. “It was really something that shaped me as an indi-vidual. There were plenty of highs but particularly in France, there were many lows. And I think you learn more about yourself from your lows, than you do from your highs.” He confessed much of this had to do with the way a culture welcomes you and the way that people decide to help, or not. “Sometimes,” he confesses, “you just cannot force people to help you, and that’s something you cannot change but must simply learn to accept.”

“My blindness is not a barrier” he admits. I found that perhaps that’s something we all notice when we first meet Callum. He triumphs gracefully through this particular aspect of his life. “My fam-ily and I knew there would be a challenge.” There was an understanding among them that he had to believe in his ability, but also plan really well. “We made sure the right provisions were in place so that I could succeed in an environment were in-dependent learning skills were going to be really important. Certainly, plenty of good self-advocacy is necessary.”

IN THE PURSUIT OF MORE-

Callum was born in London in August of 1991 from two British parents: his father a principal, and his mother an accountant. He is the first of four boys. Or perhaps five, if you include the youngest

addition: a 9 month-old puppy named Freddie, a Hungarian Vizsla.

Callum is currently working on an external proj-ect that aims to encourage young people with dis-abilities to volunteer and travel overseas. This is done in association with a voluntary organization called Gap Year Fair. Along with his coworkers, they have created a website - www.disabledgapy-ears.org - which displays case studies of individu-als who have traveled or volunteered. The website also provides advice on how to plan a trip as well as an enquiry service that people can contact if they are interested in traveling or volunteering overseas. The initiative has attracted the attention of the European Parliament, and to that he adds, “There are certain opportunities in life that you cannot turn down, and this is one of them.”

I asked Callum to define himself using three words: “ambitious, confident, and direct”, he de-cided on. I found that these perfectly embody Callum. Not just these words, though. He’s also a young man that has travelled in a multitude of places ranging from Brazil, Argentina, and Peru (a trip that inspired his project) as well as Rus-sia, Hungary, the US and many more. Callum also plays the drums and speaks and writes four lan-guages fluently. Callum is a young man, a peer and a friend that reminds me time and time again, that the only limitations we face are the ones we place in front of us. That if you believe, and you persist and pursue, you are capable of anything you set your mind to.


by Ginevra sponzilli

U R B A N I S T M A G A Z I N E - 4 - S E P T E M B E R - 2 0 1 5La Voix du collège | The College Voice - 4 - December 2015 I Third issue

PORTRAITS CROISÉS

let’s talk about you (3)-

Not an easy period of the year, and I know motivation can be low sometimes, but don’t forget: we made it so far, we have to give it our best. There is only onwards and upwards. On that note, as you may be used to by now, I will present to you one of our most interesting students, David Jan Bosschaert, and Fiona Carlin, a dis-tinguished professional whose career is a true source of inspiration.

David Jan Bosschaert, David is an IRD stu-dent, and his close friends call him DJ, but be careful with using that nickname, he does not appreciate it being used by people he’s barely met (like academic assistants). He previously studied history and law, and is now looking to embark on a diplomatic ca-reer, as most IRD students here. David was born in the Philippines but moved to Belgium at the age of 3. He is a mature student that decided to go back to studying in order to specialize in his chosen path. He was a Blue book trainee at the legal desk of the European Economic and Social Commit-tee. He then moved on to do consultancy work before realising he needed more ex-pertise, hence his choice to come to Bruges.

When I first met him I was slightly confused, because his English was impeccable with a very good accent. I assumed he had studied abroad, but then he told me that he pursued his entire education in Belgium, studying in French, Dutch and English. That was not all: when we started talking about languages, he managed to shock me. He speaks 12 lan-guages; yes, that is correct, 12 (just in case you are re-reading this sentence). That is: Filipino, English, Dutch, French, German, Italian, Spanish, Irish Gaelic, Scottish Gael-ic, Polish, Russian and Swedish. He is also studying Arabic and Romanian at the mo-ment.

Not only does he have unbelievable linguis-tic skills, but David is also a musician, and at the age of 18 he became conductor for the Polish amateur choir in Belgium. He was

consequently awarded a scholarship (paid for by the Polish Senate) to attend 5 years of summer school at the summer conservatory in Poland, where all classes were taught in Polish. This makes me think about the times when we complain about French/English being our 3rd or 4th language. Try learn-ing Polish, that’s a real challenge. Nonethe-less, he made sure to specify that it is not all about the genes, it also required a lot of hard work and he was willing to do it.

This is probably the reason we don’t see him a lot around the campus, because he is always busy working on something. For the past few weekends he has been travel-ling to the UK to chair the annual Oxford International MUN (OxIMUN) and Cam-bridge University International MUN (CUI-MUN). He actually got the first-ever (and only) Oxbridge Chairing Scholarship for his long-standing MUN merit this year, but strangely enough he failed to qualify for the College’s own MUN team. How bizarre. Fun-nily enough, students in the UK know him as ‘The Belgian’, which sounds more like a hit

BRUGES IN DECEMBER, COBBLED STREETS, FESTIVE LIGHTS, MULLED WINE AND ICE SKATING, SOUNDS PERFECT. THIS MAKES ME THINK OF CHRISTMAS, AND HOPE THAT SANTA WILL REMEMBER US AND BRING A CHANGE IN THE MENU AT THE CANTEEN, THE LITTLE THINGS THAT MAKE US HAPPY. BUT WAIT, IN EXAM PERIOD, AND ALL THIS DAY-DREAMING SOUNDS MORE LIKE PROCRASTINATION.

URBA

NIST

MAG

AZIN

E

- 5

-

SEP

TEM

BER

- 20

15


man name than anything else.

I also asked him if he wants to share any wis-dom with you, and this is what he said ‘striv-ing for excellence is always difficult in any cir-cumstances, but when the going gets tough, the tough get going’. Does that sound familiar to you? If you can guess where it comes from, send me an email and you get a chocolate from me.

PS: His favourite expression is ‘off the record’, and half the things I discovered about him cannot be published. He is a true politician, that’s all I can say.

Fiona Carlin is a partner at Baker & McKen-zie, a global law firm. Not only is she a part-ner, but she also chairs the Firm’s European Law Practice that comprises 150 practitio-ners in 24 countries. She also represents the EMEA region on the Firm’s Global Diversity & Inclusion Committee and serves as an Ad-visory Board member to Catalyst, the leading research institute on gender diversity. I don’t know about you, but I thought that was quite impressive. She studied EU law in the Christopher Daw-son promotion back in 1988/89! ’It was a great year for reasons I don’t have to explain to the readers of The College Voice!’ Luckily for her, the market was very favourable for newly

graduates in EU law at the time: ‘Back then, the single market project was just launched which meant that many of us from that pro-motion easily found jobs in Brussels and we remain very close friends after all these years.’ She then returned to the UK to qualify as a barrister. Nonetheless, Brussels is the place where she spent all of her professional life. I also asked her what was the most memora-ble moment during her time in Bruges, and to my surprise, this is what she said: ‘The most memorable moment for me at the College was meeting Margaret Thatcher, the UK Prime Min-ister, when she came to Bruges to open the aca-demic year. In front of the glitterati of Europe’s elite (and the students) she made her first ma-jor Eurosceptic speech that still resonates to-day against the backdrop of the Brexit debate. Here is a short extract but I would encourage you to read her speech in full: “The Community is not an end in itself. Nor is it an institutional device to be constantly mod-ified according to the dictates of some abstract intellectual concept...” Plus ça change!!’ At the time of the speech, nobody believed that it would become history in the making, yet here we are, 27 years later, talking about it. Will we have such a historical moment during our stay here? Time will tell. Make the most out of these moments here in Bruges, because we may look back in a few years and discover a completely different meaning to what we are living right now.

As always, I asked for a few words of advice for the future generation, and I believe her words apply to all of us regardless of what we study or what we plan to do with our lives: ‘The world is so fast changing that I don’t feel particularly equipped to be passing on words of wisdom to younger generations. If there is one thing that my experience has taught me, it is that a solid grounding in self-awareness, a commitment to your chosen career, and a large dose of perseverance will eventually pay off!’ Modesty and hard work – that’s what it takes to be successful. Some of us know it, some of us need a reminder and some are just too high up in the air, but at the end of the day, we all want to succeed.

Interviews conducted by Florina Pop

- COLLEGE SECTION -

URBA

NIST

MAG

AZIN

E

- 6

-

SEP

TEM

BER

- 20

15


La Voix du Collège : Qu’est-ce que ça signifie être porte-parole en chef de la Commission ?Margaritis Schinas : Un grand honneur et une grande responsabilité. La Commission et la Mai-son Blanche sont les deux institutions qui main-tiennent un briefing quotidien à la presse et ça nous oblige de prendre la parole tous les jours à midi sur l’ensemble des politiques de la Com-mission, ce qui n’est pas une tâche facile ou lé-gère. Avant de prendre le podium, je sais que je parle pour le Président, le Collège et les 35 000 fonctionnaires. C’est un travail magnifique, re-marquable mais aussi très compliqué et assez stressant.

Lors d’un atelier au Collège, des étudiants avaient regretté que la communication ne mette pas assez en valeur la distinction entre la position des Etats-membres et les institu-tions qui défendent l’intérêt général euro-péen, qu’en pensez-vous ?Je ne partage pas cette analyse, c’est clair que nous parlons pour la Commission étant l’exécutif de l’Union européenne, nous ne pouvons céder à cette tentation de la facilité pour nous défen-

dre aux frais des autres. Tout en gardant notre indépendance nous n’avons jamais cédé aux sirènes de culpabiliser les autres pour nous mettre en valeur à leurs frais. Dans le projet eu-ropéen, les institutions et les Etats membres sont des « joint shareholders », nous avons chacun un intérêt individuel pour faire avancer l’entreprise parce que sinon tu paies le prix de l’inaction, ce serait self-defeating d’attaquer les autres action-naires car personne n’y gagnerait et l’entreprise s’écroulerait.

Pourtant, dans les discussions ou dans les médias, on voit que l’Union est blâmée pour les actions des Etats-membres, n’est-ce pas un problème ?Le système européen dans son architecture per-met de voir où les choses se passent et où elles ne se passent pas. Face à la tendance à dire « Brux-elles ceci, Bruxelles cela », nous avons un devoir de défendre l’autonomie de chaque institution mais la victimisation systématique des Etats membres par rapport aux institutions est une tentation qui ne gagnera pas la Commission.

RENCONTRE AVEC LA VOIX DE JUNCKER : LE PORTE-PAROLE EN CHEF DE LA COMMISSION EUROPÉENNE. ANCIEN ÉTUDIANT DU COLLÈGE D’EUROPE DE LA PROMOTION CHRISTOPHE COLLOMB, IL A INTÉGRÉ LA COMMISSION, MONTANT - TEL UN CURSUS HONORUM - LES ÉCHELONS UN À UN, OUTRE UN PASSAGE COMME DÉPUTÉ EUROPÉEN, PUIS DIRECTEUR ECFIN À ATHÈNES, AVANT D’ÊTRE NOMMÉ PORTE-PAROLE EN NOVEMBRE 2014. EXTRAITS D’UNE INTERVIEW DONT UNE VERSION IN EXTENSO EST DISPONIBLE SUR NOTRE BLOG !Find the complete interview at: https://lavoixducollege.wordpress.com

LE PORTE-PAROLE EN CHEF

DE LA COMMISSION,

M. SCHINAS

MARGARITIS SCHINAS : « la véritable force du collège ? les étudiants sont de ‘true believers’ »

-

URBA

NIST

MAG

AZIN

E

- 7

-

SEP

TEM

BER

- 20

15


Le Président Juncker avait lors de son entrée en fonctions qualifier sa Commission de celle de la « dernière chance », l’Union est-elle menacée de mort ?Il y a un risque, avec toutes ces crises succes-sives, l’horizon autour de nous s’assombrit. Il y a toujours un risque mais il ne faut pas perdre de vue que l’Europe est toujours sortie renforcée par les crises. Le système européen a toujours su par le passé non seulement faire face aux crises mais été renforcé par elles. Je prends une lecture positive et optimiste de ces crises qui peuvent être le catalyseur pour mieux faire. Depuis la crise de la vache folle, l’Europe a le système le plus élaboré de sécurité alimentaire. Après la stagnation des 1980, nous avons maintenant un marché intérieur performant. Après la crise de l’euro, nous avons eu le two-pack, le six-pack, le FESF, le MES, maintenant le rapport des cinq présidents. Les crises nous poussent à mieux faire. Même la crise des réfugiés en cours nous a poussé à développer des solutions rapides, dont la relocation des réfugiés. Tout en étant con-scient des risques, je préfère garder une lecture optimiste, elles sont une opportunité pour tester nos défenses et améliorer nos réponses.

« AVEC TOUTES CES CRISES, L’HORIZON AUTOUR DE NOUS S’ASSOMBRIT »

Vous n’êtes pas inquiets de la montée de l’extrême-droite à travers l’Europe ?Il y a une tendance au discours simpliste, de solu-tions faciles. C’est facile dans la crise des réfugiés de montrer du doigt les uns et de rejeter la faute sur les autres. Nous sommes dans un monde interdépendant et ce jeu n’amène nulle part. L’intensité des crises et problèmes qui nous en-tourent rend impossible des réponses nationales et isolées. La réponse européenne est toujours la plus efficace, la plus adéquate. Mais pour y ar-river, il faut faire face à ce discours simpliste, parfois populiste : reformons les frontières, héri-ssons des murs, sortons de l’euro : ça n’a jamais apporté de résultats.

Les Etats-membres ne sont-ils pas les pre-miers à tenir ce discours simpliste et fragilis-er l’Europe ?Oui et non. Comme résultat de la crise économique et financière, il y a eu le transfert le plus massif de compétences économiques jamais entrepris dans l’histoire européenne. Malgré les difficultés, les craintes, les réflexes nationaux,

les Etats membres se rendent compte qu’en unis-sant leurs efforts, on a tous à gagner collective-ment. La crise économique est un exemple, la crise des réfugiés en est un autre. Ils renâclent mais à la fin on a un accord de relocaliser plus de cent soixante milles réfugiés. A la fin, la volonté de travailler ensemble prime et c’est bien.

Sur tout autre chose, si vous étiez étudiant aujourd’hui, referiez-vous un parcours au Collège d’Europe ?Sans doute et je reçois des dizaines de jeunes qui cherchent conseil sur leur avenir, des amis, etc., une de mes recommandations solides pour ceux qui s’intéressent aux affaires européennes est d’étudier au Collège parce que le Collège reste un phare de connaissances européennes et une as-surance qualité : on n’a pas de doute sur les com-pétences et les connaissances de ceux qui sont issus du Collège. On a des centaines, des milliers de fonctionnaires qui sortent du Collège, mais aussi des eurodéputés, des diplomates. C’est re-marquable le grand nombre d’anciens que je rencontre autour de moi.

Le nouveau système de concours ne désa-vantage t-il pas les étudiants du Collège, plus tournés vers les sciences sociales, au profit des écoles de commerce et formations plus mathématiques ?Je pense au contraire que les anciens du Col-lège ont un avantage par rapport aux concours et à l’accès aux institutions. Le Collège n’est pas strictement une université, c’est un institut ciblé sur les réalités du système européen : il y a des professeurs qui sont des hauts fonctionnaires, une interdépendance entre les institutions et le Collège, etc. Et je pense que les étudiants, l’expérience le démontre, sont très nombreux à avoir accès aux institutions.

Un dernier conseil à donner aux étudiants ?La véritable force du Collège est que ses étudi-ants sont de « true believers », c’est ce dont on a besoin. On a besoin de jeunes qui croient à l’Europe. Il ne faut pas que le Collège soit perçu comme un instrument pour trouver un boulot, ce n’est pas une agence de recherche d’emploi. C’est utile d’avoir un service de carrières mais ce qui fait la force du Collège, c’est de croire à un projet et en y passant, les étudiants multiplient leurs chances de lier leurs carrières à l’idéal eu-ropéen.

Interview conducted by Nathan de arriba-sellier

- COLLEGE SECTION -


- INTERNATIONAL TRADE DOSSIER -

NO ALTRUISM

without power-

Clearly, EU foreign policy is ill-focused and ineffec-tive. Yet, when the President of the European Com-mission Jean-Claude Juncker, proposes steps that would alleviate this - namely an EU army - he is ridiculed.

The idea of a EU military has been proposed and dismissed before. In the 1950s, in reaction to secu-rity concerns and German rearmament, Western European countries proposed to establish the Eu-ropean Defense Community. The initiative failed, however, as it was rejected by the French Parlia-ment.

Given the rising disorder on the European periph-ery, coupled with the hollowing out of national militaries, it is the right time to resurrect the idea. However, it is important not to let the perfect be the enemy of the good; the abolition of national

SOLDIERS OF

THE FRANCO-GERMAN

BRIGADE IN PARIS

IF ONE WAS EVER TEMPTED TO BELIEVE THAT THE ABDICATION OF FOREIGN POLICY IS A GOOD IDEA, THEY WOULD BE WELL-ADVISED TO EXAMINE THE PERIPHERY OF EUROPE IN 2015. THERE IS A FAILED STATE AND A MIGRATION CRISIS IN THE SOUTH, INVOLVING THOU-SANDS OF DEATHS. IN THE EAST, THERE IS AN ON-GOING WAR, WHICH AGAIN HAS CLAIMED THOUSANDS OF LIVES AND IS DESTROYING PART OF A EUROPEAN COUNTRY.

armies is non-essential, and great progress can be made without this drastic step.

For the problem with the militaries of the EU is not that soldiers are too few, but rather that they are ill-equipped. This has come about partly due to underinvestment in very ba-sic capabilities; consider that in 2017 Britain may have two aircraft carriers, but have no aircraft for them, owing to stringent budget-ing.

In addition, states are unwilling to spend on equipment that will only be used occasion-ally, such as intelligence systems and recon-naissance aircraft. The result is that even states such as the UK and France have lost the ability to intervene without the support of the U.S.

These growing deficiencies were made clear in the recent interventions in Mali and Libya. The Libyan campaign involved the imple-

mentation of a no-fly zone, to prevent the civilians of Benghazi being bombed, a standard task for powerful European countries. Yet the U.S had to supply one half of the aircrafts, eight per cent of air-refuelling capacity and eighty per cent of intel-ligence, surveillance and reconnaissance flights. To make matters worse, EU countries began to run out of weapons after a certain number of months, these again needing to be topped up by the U.S.

Regarding the Mali intervention, not only were few European countries willing to offer assistance to France in preventing an Islamist takeover of its for-mer colony, but the U.S., whose support was once again necessary, raised the prospect of charging for any help provided.

If the problem was limited to capacity for external intervention, it would not be so worrying. But it also seems that some states have lost core defen-


also seems that some states have lost core de-fensive capabilities for their national territories. For example, the UK doesn’t have planes that can detect submarines. In Germany, less than half of tanks and aircrafts are operational, and the reli-ability of those that are deemed functional is ques-tionable; a recent arms shipment to Kurdistan was grounded for days due to several breakdowns.

It is in the context of these issues that one must consider any new efforts toward EU military coop-eration. Such cooperation should aim to eliminate two problems. First, duplication of capabilities, which leads to excess costs. Second, the free-rid-ing problem, whereby most European countries do nothing to ensure stability in the European pe-riphery.

Where can such cooperation begin? Consider the example of aircrafts that are capable of de-tecting submarines. Being rarely used, they are not often maintained. But rather than expecting each state to maintain such aircrafts individually, EU countries could set up a common capability corps, which would ensure that such equipment would be available for use by all member states. In return, it ought to be funded by all members. Such a corps would not be in conflict with existing neutrality arrangements, and would clearly not infringe on the role of NATO.

If successful, the corps could be expanded to en-sure that aircrafts and drones relating to intel-ligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, refuelling and transport could be available to each member state.

Some, of course would object to this, as they would believe that a greater European capacity to inter-vene may mean more interventions and therefore more deaths. However, pacifist EU states remain unlikely to intervene except in the most egregious circumstances, when intervention could scarcely make things worse.

And on the rare occasions when intervention or defense is necessary, such capabilities would surely reduce the number of deaths. Greater in-telligence and reconnaissance capabilities would

reduce the chance that civilian areas would be ac-cidentally targeted. Greater refuelling capabilities would also reduce civilian deaths, as the trade-off whereby command must decide whether to refuel reconnaissance aircraft or strike forces would be eliminated.

Such a corps would thus ensure not only that EU states could move to prevent great suffering and displacement in our near-abroad, but that, when it does act, the operation is as effective as possible at reducing the number of civilian casualties.

Not everyone will be convinced of the merits of greater military cooperation; there is an assumed contradiction between altruism and power. Alas, on-going tragedies around Europe make it clear that without power, Europe has no capacity to be altruistic. Perhaps it is time to abandon a contra-diction that was only ever intellectual, and never real.

by tony o’connor

POSTER IN FAVOR OF THE FIRST

INITIATIVE OF EUROPEAN DEFENSE

U R B A N I S T M A G A Z I N E - 1 0 - S E P T E M B E R - 2 0 1 5

FOR A REAL EUROPEAN

neighbourhood policy-

The ENP was introduced concurrently with the finalisation of the 2004 enlargement negotiations as a framework for regulating the relationship of the European Union with the neighbours-to-be in the eastern part of Europe (and later in the south-ern Middle East and Northern Africa region). This so-called “Wider Europe” approach is now slightly more than a decade old and has been already ob-ject of a review twice: 2011 and 2015, years of ma-jor geopolitical crises and changes, have brought the EU institutions to rethink their strategy within the neighbourhood. This second time the revision has consisted in a public consultation of relevant institutional and civil society stakeholders on the status quo of the policy itself.

So, quid novis from the most recent revision? A

JOINT CONFERENCE

OF F. MOGHERINI

AND J. HAHN

THE REVISION OF THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY (ENP) WAS PUBLISHED BY THE EUROPEAN EXTERNAL ACTION SERVICE (EEAS) JOINTLY WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION - DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR NEIGHBOURHOOD AND ENLARGEMENT NEGOTIATIONS (DG NEAR) ON THE 18TH OF NOVEMBER. HURRAY, FINALLY THE ENP STUDENTS WILL BE ABLE TO WRITE THEIR MASTER THESES! BUT HOW WELL KNOWN IS THIS POLICY ACTUALLY IF YOU HAPPEN TO NOT BE A PRIVILEGED EU AFFAIRS STUDENT? AND HOW EFFECTIVE HAS THE REVISION EXERCISE PROVED TO BE?

first thing to be pointed out is the attempt of the EU to por-tray itself as a more proactive political actor: positive verbs are used from the beginning of the Joint Communication and in Mrs Mogherini’s (EU High representative for foreign affairs) and Mr Hahn’s (Com-missioner for the Neighbour-hood policy) speeches, the EU representatives that presented the review. “Strengthen”, “build together”, “try to solve” as the propositional trinity attempt-ing to overcome the current impasse that the policy is fac-ing. One may say that acknowl-edging the existence of a prob-lem is sometimes already half of its solution. The interesting part will now be to see how this “new phase of engagement” evoked in the review will be applied in practical terms.

A second less “attractive” as-pect I noticed is the recurrence of the good old stabilisation normative rhetoric according to which the EU is to continue promoting its values in order

to create democracy, rule of law and so on and so forth. I personally think that the EU should set itself free from this kind of primor-dial “white man’s burden” complex of having the obligation to export a model of democracy and rule of law etc. This approach makes it at times almost an impossible job to have a dialogue with other countries without labelling them with an e.g. ‘neighbour’ tag and creates an indissoluble asym-metry between the two parts. The focus should be put more on making neighbouring countries trust the EU as a partner, and not only vice-versa. Dear Santa, my wish for 2016 is that you take with you these sorts of “neighbourliness” lenses that put neighbouring countries in a pre-defined (and most of the times inferior) position from which they can-not emancipate whatever their actions. It becomes obvious then that, lacking adequate incentives

La Voix du collège | The College Voice - 10 - December 2015 I Third issue La Voix du collège | The College Voice - 11 - December 2015 I Third issue

U R B A N I S T M A G A Z I N E - 1 1 - S E P T E M B E R - 2 0 1 5

from the EU side, they will do what requires less effort and less risk of losing popularity at the do-mestic level when trying to implement their agree-ments risk of losing popularity at the domestic level when trying to implement their agreements with the EU (Association Agreements / Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area Agreements). It thus appears more suitable to establish an equal discussion instead of the current one-sense Euro-peanisation.

A WEAK POINT OF THE ENP HAS SO FAR BEEN THE LACK OF A CLEAR LONG-TERM VISION

As a matter of fact, the political will of both sides to engage has proven to be the most influential fac-tor during the entire negotiation process. “Should the ENP be maintained?” - was the first question of the ENP public consultation receiving a strong majority of positive answers. To continue with the classic soft and uncommitted approach would mean not having taken into any consideration the results of the consultation and thus invalidating the whole revision process.

The next step will take place in 2016 and involve a dialogue with the sixteen countries, part of the neighbourhood policy on the adequacy of the new approach suggested by the revision and how the latter could be put into practice. Do not for-get, Santa, that the EU should reach a common stance among its twenty-eight members and stand by the proactive message of the revision. Ambigu-ity should be abandoned and - oh, Santa, you had better exist - the member-ship promise should not be hindered tout court before thoroughly assessing the extent to which a neigh-bouring country is com-mitted to becoming a EU member.

To conclude, a weak point of the European Neigh-bourhood Policy has (so far) been the lack of a clear long-term vision of this

policy. What is the final aim of such a collabora-tion? Is the EU proposing a hybrid and soft policy to its neighbours all the while waiting for a clearer picture of its geopolitical challenges? These are le-gitimate questions to ask the current ENP state of affairs. For this reason, a follow-up of the latest revision and a less ambiguous and more proactive agenda is necessary for the 2016 and onwards pe-riod. Dear Santa, 2015 has been the first year of the new European Commission, and a dense one in terms of unhappy events; 2016 is the chance to prove that the EU is an important actor on the regional scene and can abide by a common, truly European approach when engaged in a dialogue with its partners.

by bogdan pavel

- 2016 DOSSIER -

THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP

SUMMIT OF RIGA, 2015

La Voix du collège | The College Voice - 10 - December 2015 I Third issue La Voix du collège | The College Voice - 11 - December 2015 I Third issue


- 2016 DOSSIER -

TOWARDS COPYRIGHTharmonisation and beyond?

-Intellectual property law has gained substantial momentum in the past couple of decades with the rise of the Internet and the digital revolution blowing the door to cross-border intellectual prop-erty rights infringements wide open. The EU has attempted to respond with valiant efforts to en-sure the well functioning of a borderless internal market in the field of intellectual property law. However, while these efforts may arguably have succeeded in a quasi-harmonisation of areas such as trademarks, designs and, with the introduction of the pending Unitary Patent project, patents, the field of copyright law seems to have been mostly neglected by the EU. Copyright law in the EU today benefits solely from a measly number of directives on EU level and leaves substantial areas, including exceptions and limitations to infringement, largely untouched.

When the Commission’s Digital Single Market strat-egy was unveiled in May 2015, the tone regarding copyright modernisation was generally optimistic and ambitious. The Commission was clear about the need for a more modern and European copy-right framework as part of its Digital Single Market pillar on “Better online access for consumers and businesses across Europe”. It declared, somewhat ceremoniously, that it was going to focus on elimi-nating unjustified geo-blocking as well as initiating legislative proposals aimed at reducing the differ-ences between national copyright regimes and al-lowing for wider online access to work across the EU.

In October, the Commission published a roadmap announcing a communication due to be presented before the end of 2015. A draft of this communica-tion was, however, subsequently leaked by IPKat, and the main takeaway is a notable step away from the ambitious objectives the Commission starry-eyedly set back in May. For one, it seems to effectively have given up on all projects concern-ing a single Union copyright title, claiming that full harmonisation of copyright law on EU level “would require substantial changes in the way [their] rules work today” and would require the establishment of a common EU copyright court, which would take a long time to implement. While the Commission does conclude by stating that these should – and will – remain in the back of their minds as a long-term target, the communication seems to suggest that the Commission is ultimately shying away from too drastic changes for the foreseeable fu-ture. Instead, aside from guaranteeing to propose legislation implementing the Marrakesh Treaty, the communication is teeming with vague and cau-tious statements, gentle promises and wary pro-posals.

This is a far cry from what most pro-harmonisa-

by Emilie Schou

tion fanatics had expected, especially in light of the Commission’s earlier declarations. But more im-portantly, one might wonder why the Commission is being so reluctant to establish a single copyright code and title, when copyright law remaining a na-tional law issue clearly hinders cross-border coop-eration within the framework of a single market. The two main arguments – that divergences be-tween national legislations in the field of copyright law are too daunting to overcome, for one, and that there is need to protect European cultural diversity by confining copyright law to Member State discre-tion, for another – are far from convincing. While the fact that national legislations differ greatly can be a valid argument with regards to politically sen-sitive areas such as criminal law, copyright law is essentially a commercially-driven legal field and should be treated by the same standards. It is clear that Member States all agree on the same basic values and conceptual ideas regarding copyright protection, and the main points at issue concern methodological or procedural aspects. Reaching a compromise on the basis of common notions and principles should, although not an easy task, be an entirely doable one given the commercial na-ture of copyright law and the trade-related issues at stake. Concerning the second argument, by al-lowing protectionist behaviour, one ends up not only depriving a copyright holder of a global au-dience instead of protecting his creation, but also freezing ‘creators’ and media outlets in an archaic model widely incompatible with the technological advances of the information age.

While the official communication has yet to be published, it is highly doubtful that it will deviate much from the draft that was leaked, and from this draft it is clear that the immediate future of copy-right law within the EU appears gloomy at best. The holy grail of a unitary copyright title seems out of reach and, in light of ever-growing EU-scepticism, it is unlikely that it will be back on the Commis-sion’s agenda for the foreseeable future. Realisti-cally, the farthest the Commission can go for now is to continue its efforts of ‘gentle’, non-drastic harmonisation in trivial areas of copyright law by going through with its current Digital Single Mar-ket strategy. It is, however, highly desirable that the Commission in 2016 assume a more proactive role, and that it refrain from backing away from initial objectives this time around. On a side note, and especially in light of recent extremely ambigu-ous and opaque judgments handed down by the Court of Justice, it is also crucial that the Court be more meticulous and explicit about its rulings in the scant number of subdomains within copyright law that are in fact harmonised on EU level.

Here’s hoping that 2016 brings, if not great strides, then at the very least baby steps in this field.

U R B A N I S T M A G A Z I N E - 1 3 - S E P T E M B E R - 2 0 1 5La Voix du collège | The College Voice - 13 - December 2015 I Third issue

- GENERAL SECTION -

by Emilie Schou

Après cette marche, l’Espagne de Franco décida de se retirer officiellement de la partie du Sahara qui donne sur l’Atlantique, et négocia des accords avec le Maroc et la Mauritanie. Selon ces accords, signés à Madrid le 14 novembre 1975, le Sahara Oc-cidental fut divisé en attribuant les deux tiers nord du territoire au Maroc et un tiers sud à la Mauri-tanie, en dépit que le 16 Octobre 1975 la Cour In-ternationale de Justice s’était exprimée en faveur de « l’application du principe d’autodétermination grâce à l’expression libre et authentique de la volo-nté des populations du territoire ». Si pour certains cet évènement semble une victoire contre les puis-sances coloniales européennes, pour d’autres il ne représente cependant que le début d’une nouvelle dépendance.

Dès l’année suivant la Marche Verte (1976) un nouveau conflit éclatait entre le Maroc, la Mau-ritanie et le Polisario (Front populaire de libéra-tion de la Saguia el-Hamra et du Río de Oro), mouvement militaire et politique qui exige l’autodétermination du territoire, principalement habité par le peuple sahraoui. En 1979, la Maurita-nie se retire du conflit, et le Maroc occupe sa partie du Sahara. Le Maroc commence aussi à construire un mur dans le désert (berm), souvent surnommé le mur de la honte, qui divise son territoire de celui contrôlé par le Front Polisario. Pendant ce temps, la guerre et l’occupation créent des milliers de réfugiés sahraouis qui trouvent refuge en Algé-rie, principalement à Tindouf, une ville près de la frontière où, encore de nos jours, se trouve la ma-jorité de réfugiés sahraouis. Aujourd’hui le Sahara Occidental se trouve encore dans la liste des « ter-ritoires non autonomes » des Nations Unies. Cet épisode est la cause de mauvaises relations entre le Maroc et l’Algérie, et de la fermeture poursuivie des frontières entre les deux pays.En outre, la pose de mines terrestre par l’armée marocaine le long le mur a créé le champ miné le plus vaste au monde. Les tempêtes de sable ont en effet éparpillé les mines à travers le pays, ce qui rend dangereux chaque mouvement au de-hors des circuits officiels. Aujourd’hui, même une mission des Nations Unies traite du déminage du territoire.

L’opération de la MINURSO (Mission des Nations Unies pour l’organisation d’un référendum au Sahara Occidental), basée à El Ayun, capitale du

Le 6 Novembre était un jour de fête pour le Maroc : comme chaque année depuis 40 ans, on célé-brait la « Marche verte » par laquelle 350.000 Marocains, sous l’invitation du roi du Maroc Hassan II, père de l’actuel Mohammed VI, avaient chassé le colonisateur espagnol du Sahara Occidental.

Sahara Occidental, a été créée en 1991, suite à la signature d’un cessez-le-feu entre le Polisario et le gouvernement marocain et de la résolution du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU numéro 690. Mais, ce référendum n’a jamais eu lieu, d’autant que la situation s’est cristallisée et qu’il est maintenant difficile de la déverrouiller étant donné que le Ma-roc a favorisé une forte immigration de marocains vers ces territoires, en continuant à exploiter illé-galement les vastes ressources dans le Sahara Oc-cidental.

Après 40 ans de conflit, le 6 Novembre 2015, plus de 30.000 marocains ont manifesté à El Ayun devant le siège de la MINURSO en criant “Sahara marocain”, exigeant que la mission quitte les lieux. Les autorités marocaines ne sont en effet pas très heureuses d’avoir une telle mission sur le territoire. Elles ne sont pas non plus favorables à la visite du territoire par des militants politiques, des journalistes, des photographes ou plus gé-néralement des étrangers. A tel point que le gou-vernement marocain en est arrivé à demander à l’ONG Human Rights Watch de cesser ses activités au Maroc.Ainsi, l’ONG Amnesty International a dénoncé récemment le fait que les opposants sont mis en prison et torturés et même le département d’état des Etats-Unis depuis longtemps a fait quant à lui mention de disparus.

Malgré toutes les dénonciations des violations des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales, la communauté internationale a tourné le dos au peuple saharaoui. Par example, la France a décidé de s’opposer en 2014 à la concession à la MINURSO de compétences de contrôle du respect des droits humains au Sahara. De son côté, l’Union europée-nne continue à ignorer ces violations et maintient le Maroc parmi ses principaux partenaires de la Méditerranée, signant même des accords de pêche dans les eaux du Sahara Occidental avec le Maroc.

Après l’acceptation de la République Arabe Sahraouie Démocratique (RASD) dans l’Union Af-ricaine, le Maroc a abandonné cette organisation régionale et c’est aujourd’hui le seul pays africain qui n’en fait pas partie. Il est remarquable que l’Afrique se soit montrée bien plus attentive aux droits de l’homme et au respect du droit interna-tional que l’Europe.

TOUT CHANGE POUR QUE RIEN NE CHANGE

l’impasse du sahara occidental

by luigi cino


- CULTURE SECTION -

The problem is not lack of reforms, as we may hear from Germany or from reading The Econo-mist. In reality, the French government is under-taking a great deal of reforms and setting aside most of Hollande’s program. For example, the French social security deficit has been reduced by more than half since 2012, 50 billion euro will be granted to companies in tax credits until 2017, pensions and labor law have been reformed, the Macron Laws are deregulating a significant num-ber of activities, including Sunday trading without wage compensation, etc. This may not seem like enough for some people in Europe, but as we have seen elsewhere, it is never enough for these guys. And I do believe that the French are no more rac-ist than people can be in East or South Germany or in Italy. So what’s the problem then?

Front National has been on the rise since 2010-2011. What happened at the time? First of all, president Sarkozy began hunting on far right ter-ritory and speaking loudly about how problematic Schengen, migrants and insecurity were, and how valuable their national identity was. Then, there has been a corruption problem. In the North and Provence regions, some socialist local leaders were charged with corruption. Sarkozy and his republican party (ex-UMP) are also currently in-volved in a lot of cases, still unsettled to this day. Finally, and at the same time, Marine Le Pen took over her father’s party with a new strategy in mind: keeping the essentials but trying to appear

more convenable, especially less anti-Semitic and more socially oriented. This is her dédiabolisation strategy.

And it is working wonders. People are not afraid to proclaim that they vote for ‘Marine’ anymore, in fact, they are even proud of it. And Hollande’s victory in 2012, who campaigned for ‘change now’ while pledging that he would propose only rea-sonable measures so as to be able to implement them once he would accede to power, did not stop the trend, given the fact that he soon abandoned most of his ‘reasonable’ propositions in favor of a very liberal tone. As I have mentioned, a lot of liberal reforms were indeed implemented. Thus, a lot of voters felt that “once again, the PS had be-trayed them” and decide to abstain. Or that in fact right and left were the same; and so the only vote for change could be FN.

Finally, it was not just a liberal tone but also a con-servative one. Hollande’s government pursued Sarkozy’s policies of exclusion and deportation regarding migrants and Romani. The socialist gov-ernment upheld ethnic-based controls. The wear-ing of Islamic veils was debated again. Quite sym-bolically in France, the national budget in arts and culture was cut for the first time ever. Terrorist at-tacks and the fierce security response only further legitimated far right’s ideas. If France’s primary problem is islamist terrorists and barbarians, why shouldn’t the French vote for the party most deter-mined to fight them? As you may know, the state of emergency only strengthened that, as borders’ control and liberties’ suspension were shown as the best answer to terrorism.

French politicians and intellectuals have in their majority stopped fighting the Front National. They have taken over some of Le Pen’s ideas, assured people that they understand their anger, and promised change that they do not deliver. Good, sincere and lower class people are being honest about FN. They may not believe that it is the solu-tion for everything, but at least it is the only ‘party of change’. Euroscepticism now seems to be the social party. Muslims now seem to be the problem. The FN seems to be the only solution. And there is the tragedy.

FRONT NATIONAL’S RISE:

what’s happening in france?

by G.M.

- GENERAL SECTION -

MOST OF YOU KNOW IT: THINGS HAVE JUST NOT BEEN GOING RIGHT (OR LEFT) IN FRANCE THESE LAST FEW YEARS. THE RECENT REGIONAL ELECTIONS PROVED IT AGAIN, NO MATTER WHAT ARE THE FINAL RESULTS. IS IT A SIGN THAT THE COUNTRY IS TUMBLING DOWN AND THAT THE FRENCH POLITICAL CLASS DOES NOT HAVE THE COURAGE TO REFORM THE COUNTRY? OR THAT THE FRENCH ARE RACIST? THE PROBLEM IS A DIFFERENT ONE, IN MY OPINION.

Entre chaque numéro, rendez vous sur :

Between each issue, find more at:

https://lavoixducollege.wordpress.com/


- CULTURE SECTION -

Dear fellow students of the Chopin promotion,

We have had busy, but rewarding days as stu-dent representatives serving the best interest of our beloved students. It was a semester that was not always easy, notably with the grieving events around the world and the stress that can sometimes be overwhelming.

It is a task that comes with great responsibility, especially during our meetings with the some-what Thatcherite administration (“No, no, no!”). Yes, the College is sometimes a bit rigid with all these rules, but we have been pushing forward for a new agenda. An agenda of a College, which is there to challenge the students intellectually, not administratively, giving them the chance to fully develop themselves during their year here.

For next semester we have multiple wishes, out of which here are the three main ones: Firstly, we want the students to have a stronger say in the College of Europe. Secondly, we wish to bring environmental and energy questions to the centre of the everyday functioning of the College. And finally, we wish to digitalize impor-tant parts of the College (timetables, feedback forms, part of the syllabi). To see these wishes fulfilled could become the heritage of our pro-motion when we look back at the College in 10 years.

We would also like to comment on topics of ac-tuality. Our student representatives were not bribed with cookies during meetings. Also con-cerning the incident that presumably happened in the bar’s men’s room – We deny all accusa-tions.

Together, and only together, one can achieve great things. As Gandalf the White once said: “There is always hope”, and thus we should look towards a year 2016 full of opportunities, full of chances, full of love. They are the elements constituting the real force that reigns upon the College Mafia. While gathering supplies for a second semester of battles (greetings to the Academic Council), we want to wish you all a Merry Xmas and a Happy New Year!

Faithfully Yours,

*The Council of Student of Representatives (or shortly, The Council) is an intergovernmental body and statutes by unanimity.

by your student representatives*

THE REPS’ WORD

by G.M.

- GENERAL SECTION -

1. The unit to measure time, 3600s.2. Promotion of 2014-2015.3. Since this year, this is introduced in the 1st semester EG courses.4. This party in the European Parliament has member parties from all EU States except for the UK.5. Cooperation between Member States should be...6. In the OLP, the Commission sends a legislative proposal to the Par-liament and...7. President of the Academic Council between 1985-19908. De Halve Maan in Bruges is a...9. When 1/5th of the European Parliament requests this, a vote can be held in... (Rule 182)10. An example of the Nash equilibrium is the prisoners’ …11. This judgment established supremacy of EU law over Member States’ law12. The street opposite St. Annarei is called …13. Landmark case for citizenship law about a Philippino national staying in the EU14. The European Court of Auditors’ main task is budget and expen-ditures ...15. The College of Europe is also referred to as... (also by Stubb)16. The place in Dijver where we spend most hours 17. Person who is responsible for making new rules18. The art and practice of conducting negotiations between represen-tatives of States19. Last letter of the residence where the Cineclub movies are shown.20. The last few months at the College were already hard to forget. Let’s make the rest of the year just as...

CHRISTMAS

crossword

by Ceciel Nieuwenhout

credit: Ernest petrosyan

NEXT ISSUE January 2016

SPECIAL REPORT: the day when santa claus became rector monar after movember

by aunty blabla

gossip exam session 1

La Voix du collège | The College Voice - 16 - December 2015 I third issue

Our awesome band, ‘repas froid’

We highly value your opinion, feedback, comment or contribution !

send us an e-mail at:[email protected]

On behalf of La Voix, emilie, ginevra, juan and nathan wish you happy christmas holidays!

THANKS TO YOUR DONATIONS, THE CHARITY GROUP (RAISE AND GIVE-RAG)RAISED 502,21 € (+ Movember)

GOING to your chosen charities: Poverello, DEPatio (RED CROSS) And Foton. STAY TUNED IN 2016!

COP21

credit: Ernest petrosyan

good luck!

Documents

Third issue